An American Experiment in AnarchoCapitalism- The Not So Wild, Wild West
Citation (APA): Hill, T. L. Anderson and P. J. (2014). An American Experiment in AnarchoCapitalism_ The -Not So Wild, Wild West_ [Kindle Android version]. Retrieved from Amazon.com
Parte introduttiva
Segnalibro - Posizione 2
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fornitura di legge. qual è la soluzione ottima? 1 privati. obiezione: essendo la legge un bene pubblico verrebbe sottoprodotto. 2 stato. obiezione: essendo uno scambio coercitivo l esito sarebbe distorto conclusione: si valuti pragmaticamente. in alcuni casi l ordine spontaneo porta alla legge dei cla altre volte - come nel west - alla tutela della proprietà. se si va alla radice l elemento decisivo potrebbe essere la razza... la storia delle anarchie presso i popoli mefiterranei è ben diversa che presso i popoli anglosassoni *** la guerra è costosa meglio arbitrati e tribunali stato minimo vs anarcocapitalismo teoria dei beni pubblici: scarsa base fattuale
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An American Experiment in Anarcho- Capitalism: The -Not So Wild, Wild West* by Terry L. Anderson and P. J. Hill
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literature has experi- enced an upsurge in the interest in anarchy and its implications for social organization. The work of Rawls and Nozick, two volumes edited by Gordon Tullock, Explorations in the Theory of Anarchy, and a book by David Friedman, The Machinery of Freedom, provide examples.
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x INTERESSE X L ANARCHIA
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presenting a formula for the operation of society in a state of anarchy.
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The purpose of this paper is to take us from the theoretical world of anarchy to a case study
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government as a legitimate agency of coercion was absent for a long enough period
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period from 1830 to 1900
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The West during this time often is perceived as a place of great chaos,
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little respect for property or life.
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this was not the case; property rights were protected and civil order prevailed.
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x PROP PROTETTA
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Private agencies
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BASE PROTETTIVA
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they did not have a legal monopoly on "keeping order."
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They soon discovered that "warfare" was a costly way of resolving disputes
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lower cost methods of settlement (arbitration, courts, etc.) resulted.
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Anarchy: Order or Chaos?
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T
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dictionary definition
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ANARCHIA
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no government,"
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the third definition, "confusion or chaos
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SINONIMIA
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it is a necessary result
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the last "pubiic goods" to be dealt with probably being programs designed to define and enforce property rights.
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IL COMPITO FONDAMENTALE DEI GOVERNI
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"social contractarian"
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T
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"anarcho-capitalist"
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functions of government can he replaced by individuals
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all transactions would be voluntary
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how can law and order, which do require some coercion, he supplied without ultimately resulting in one provider of those services holding a monopoly on coercion,
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x LA DOMANDA X L ANARCO CAPITALISTA
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the market is capable of provid- ing justice at the cheapest price. According to Rothbard, to claim that these services are "public goods" and cannot be sold to individuals in varying amounts is to make a claim which actually has little basis in fact.'
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X POS ANARCO
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faith in the profit seeking entrepreneurs
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there is the empirical question of whether competition can actually provide the protection services.
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IL NODO
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Conflicts may occur, and one agency will win.
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POSIZIONE COSTITUZ
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a single protective agency or association will eventually come to dominate
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To the constitutionalist the Lockean concept of mixing labor with resources to arrive at "natural rights" is not sufficient.
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COME NSSCONO I DIRITTI?
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the starting point is determined by the initial bar- gaining process which results in the constitutional contract.
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X POSIZOONE COSTITUZIONALISTA
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Our purpose in this paper is to discuss, in a historical context, some of the important issues
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Even in the absence of any enforce- ment mechanism, most members of the western society agreed that certain rights to use and control property existed.
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DATO DI FATTO
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when a miner argued that a placer claim was his because he "was there first," that claim carried more weight than if he claimed it simply because he was most powerful.
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x ES
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Tastes, culture, ethics,
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COSA CONTA
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The long period of conflicts between the Indians and the settlers can be attributed to a lack of any such
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INDIANI
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divario tra leggenda e realtà omicidi: pochi... meno che altrove comitati di vigilanza... la competizione fa bene land squatters: pionieri che autorganizzavano la difesa delle proprietà... la tesi della frontiera: il diritto all exit forgia la mentalità usa le associazioni degli allevatori: la terra è scarsa e occorrono regole... il ruolo dei pistoleri gli sceriffi + efficienti nn erano certo dei santi il xicolo del monopolio privato della forza
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Cases from the West
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T
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the legendary characterization of the "wild, wild West."
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The potential for chaos is a major objection
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histories describe the era and area as characterized by gunfights, horse-thievery, and general disrespect for basic human rights. The taste for the dramatic in literature and other entertain- ment forms has led to concentration on the seeming disparity between the westerners' desire for order and the prevailing disorder. If the Hollywood image of the West were not enough to taint our view, scholars of violence contributed with quotes such as the following: "We can report with some assurance that compared to frontier days there has been a significant dec- rease in crimes of violence in the United States.""
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x LEGGENDA
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Frontier Violence: Another Look, W. Eugene Hollon
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the Western frontier was a far more civilized, more peaceful, and safer place than American society is today."' Z
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x HOLLOW
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Robert Dykstra's
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in five of the major cattle towns (Abilene, Ellsworth, Wichita, Dodge City, and Caldwell) for the years from 1870 to 1885, only 45 homicides were reported-an average of 1.5 per cattle-trading season.') In Abilene, supposedly one of the wildest of the cow towns, "nobody was killed in 1869 or 1870. In fact, nobody was killed until the advent of officers of the law, employed to prevent killings."' 4 Only two towns, Ellsworth in 1873 and Dodge City in 1876, ever had five killings in any one year. 15
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x K
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Frank Prassel
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"A Legacy of Law and Order,"
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"if any conclusion can be drawn from recent crime statistics, it must be that this last frontier left no significant heritage of offenses against the person, relative to other sections of the country." l6
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preference for order can differ across time and people.
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To show that the West was more "lawless" than our present day society tells one very little unless some measure of the "demand for law and order" is available.
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x DEMAND OF LAW
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many violations of formal law,
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more truly reflected community customs
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The vigilance committees
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T
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sprang up in many of the mining towns
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these committees arose after civil government was organized.
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They proved that competition was useful in cases where government was ineffective,
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as in the case of San Francisco in the 1850' s,' hr where government became the province of criminals who used the legal monopoly on coercion to further their own ends, as in Virginia City, Montana Territory in the 1860' s.lY Even in these cases, however, violence was not the standard modus operandi.
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x CORRUZIONE
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San Francisco vigilante committee was reconstituted in 1856,
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During this period, San Francisco had only two murders, compared with more than a hundred in the six months before the committee was formed." 2Q
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x CFR
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four examples of institutions which approximated anarcho- capitalism.
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a. Land Clubs:
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T
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pioneer settlers who often moved into the public domain before it was surveyed or open for sale by the federal government,
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SQUATTER
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definition and enforcement of property rights in the land they claimed was always a problem.
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In law they were trespassers; in fact they were honest farmers." 21
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result was the formation of "extra-legal" organizations for protection
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land clubs
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Benjamin F. Shambaugh
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we view these clubs "as an illustrative type of frontier extra-legal, extra-constitutional political organization in which are reflected certain principles of American life and character."' 2
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x MENTALITÀ AMERICANA
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Frederick Jackson Turner
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an excellent example of the "power of the newly arrived pioneers to join together for a common end without the intervention of governmental institutions. . . ." 2'
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x JACKSON
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adopted its own constitution
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Association of Johnson County, Iowa
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ES
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president, vice president, and clerk
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seven judges,
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two marshals
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The constitution specified the procedure whereby property rights in land would be defined as well as the procedure for arbitrating claims disputes. User charges were utilized for defraying arbitra- tion expenses.
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x CONTENUTO DEL CONTRATTO
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deposit a sufficient sum of money in their hands to defray the expenses
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PROCESSI E DEPOSITI
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As a sanction
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violence was an option,
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ANCHE IL BOICOTTAGGIO
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resolutions of all claims clubs were not alike suggests that preferences among the squatters did vary
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GOVRNI DIFFERENTI
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the need of protection .against 'reckless claim jumpers and invidious wolves in human form,'
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GIUSTIF DELL ASSOC
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need 'for better security against foreign as well as domestic aggression."' 27
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ALTRA
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opposing "speculators" who were attempting to obtain title to the land.
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ALTRA
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specifically regulated the amount of improvements
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ALCUNE COSTITUZIONI SUI MIGL X DIVENIRE PROP
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Other associa- tions, however, encouraged speculation by making no such requirements.
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b. Cattlemens' Associations:
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T
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Initially "there was room enough for all,
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"as early as 1868, two years after the first drive, small groups of owners were organizing themselves into protective associations and hiring stock detective ^."
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DOPO
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Louis Pelzer.
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ESPERTO
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Ernest Staples Osgood
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it was "the failure of the police power in the frontier communities to protect property and preserve order," which "resulted over and over again in groups who represented the will of the law- abiding part of the community dealing out summary justice to offenders.""
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x FALLIMENTO DEI GOVERNI
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means of enforcing private rights was often more violent than the trade sanctions specified by the claims associa- tions.
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a market response to existing demands for enforcement
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Expert gunmen-professional killers-had an economic place in the frontier West.
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Like all mercenaries, they espoused the side which made them the first or best offer.
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hut Bill became Montana's first stock detective.
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Bill's choice was not dictated by ethics,
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At any rate, he became a hired defender of property
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the earlier versions evidently enforced their own laws much of the time rather than serving as simply an extension of the government's police force.
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LEGGE PRIVATA
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enforcement agencies will themselves become large-scale organizations that use their power to infringe upon individual rights.
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PREOCCUPAZIONE
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Major economies of scale did not seem to exist in either enforcement or crime.
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numerous records of gunslingers making themselves available for hire,
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no record of these gunslingers discovering that it was even more profitable to band together and form a super-defense agency
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NESSUNA TRACCIA DI MONOPOLIO
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Some of the individuals did drift in and out of a life of crime
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these associations did not seem to be encouraged by the market form of peace keeping,
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a few large
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Pinkerton Agency and Wells Fargo,
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but these agencies seemed to serve mainly as adjuncts to government
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c. Mining Camps:
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T
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discovery of gold in California in 1848
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Thousands of Easterners rushed to
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Later the same experience occurred in Colorado, Montana, and Idaho
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first to arrive were forced into a situation where they had to write the rules
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There was no constitutional authority
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The invaders were remitted to the primal law of nature,
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Every gulch was filling with red-hot treasure hunters;
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every bar was pock-marked with "prospect holes";
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many of the groups of associates who came seeking their fortunes organized and made their rules for operation before they left their homes.
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ANTICIPO
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they did not "recognize any higher court than the law of the majority of the company." 36
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rules under which the companies were organized varied according to tastes and needs of the company.
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payments to be used
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caring for the sick
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use of alcoholic spirits,
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fines which could be imposed for misconduct,
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governing rules of the company were negotiated,
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unanimity prevailed.
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Those who wished to purchase other "bundles of goods" or other sets of rules had that alternative.
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rules were useful only insofar as questions of rights involved members
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when other individuals were confronted in the mining camps, additional negotiation was necessary.
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the first issues to arise concerned the ownership of mining claims.
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mass meeting and appoint committees assigned to drafting the laws.
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Gregory Gulch in Colorado provides an example. A mass meeting of miners was held June 8, 1859, and a committee appointed to draft a code of laws. This committee laid out boundaries for the district, and their civil code, after some discussion and amend- ment, was unanimously adopted in mass meeting, July 16. 1859. The example was rapidly followed in other districts, and the whole Territory was soon divided between a score of local sovereignties.' 9
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x ES COLORADO
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In California, military posts were established to take care of Indian troubles, but these governmental enforcement organizations did not exercise any authority over the mining camps.
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SOLDATI
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No alcalde, no council, no justice of the peace, was ever forced upon a district by an outside power.
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district was the unit of political organization,
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delegates from adjoining districts often met in consultation regarding
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LEGGI TRA DISTRETTI...
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boundaries, or matters of local government, and reported to their respective constituencies in open-air meeting, on hillside or river-bank."
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x OGGETTI INTERDISTRETTUALI
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trained lawyers were not welcomed in many of the campus and even forbidden
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AVVOCATI BANDITI
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Union Mining District. Resolved, that no lawyer be permitted to practice law in this district, under penalty of not more than fifty nor less than twenty lashes, and he forever banished from this di ~ trict. ~'
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x ES DI BANDO
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When outside laws were imposed upon the camps, there is some evidence that they increased rather than decreased crime.
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IMPOSIZIONI ESTERNE
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One early Californian writes, "We needed no law until the lawyers came," and another adds, "There were few crimes until the courts with their delays and technical- ities took the place of miners'
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x TESTIMONIANZE
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they did develop a system of justice through the miners' courts.
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a group of citizens was summoned to try a case.
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they would elect a presiding officer or judge and select six or twelve persons to serve as the jury.
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there was recourse when disputes arose.
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"If a majority favored such action, the district was set apart and named.
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SECESSIONE E ASSOCIAZIONE
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old district was not consulted on the subject, but received a verbal notice of the new organization.
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"The work of mining, and its environment and conditions, were so different in different places, that the laws and customs of the miners had to vary even in adjoining districts." 46
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xTESTIMONIANZA
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any man in the camp might be called upon to he the executive officer.
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considered for prosecutor or defend- er for the accused.
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In Colorado there is some evidence of competition among the courts
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The civil courts promptly assumed criminal jurisdiction,
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1860
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The miners' courts, people's courts, and "provisional government" (a new name for "Jeffer- son") divided jurisdiction in the mountains;
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3 CORTI IN CPNCORRENZA
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Appeals were taken from one to the other,
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judgments accepted from one court by another,
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there was undoubtedly much less crime in the two years this arrangement lasted than in the two which followed the territorial organization and regular government."
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x ESITO
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d. Wagon Trains:
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T
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they moved across the plains in search of California gold.
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region west of Missouri and Iowa was unorganized, unpatrolled, and beyond the jurisdiction of the United States law.
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ANARCHIA
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the tedious journey and the constant tensions of the trail brought out the worst in human character, the pioneers
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PERICOLI
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created their own law making and law- enforcing machinery before they started." 48
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Like their fellow travelers on the ocean,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 250
adoption of a formal constitution patterned after that of the US.
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Green and Jersey County Company
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ESEMPIO
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We, the members of the Green and Jersey County Company of Emi- grants to California, for the purpose of effectually protecting our per- sons and property, and as the best means of ensuring an expeditious and easy journey do ordain and establish the following constitution.sO
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x ESEMPIO
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One of the first tasks was to select officers who would be responsible for enforcing the rules.
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constitutions also included eligibility for voting
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banishment of individuals from the group,
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The specific rules included organization of jury trials;
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regulation of Sabbath-
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gambling and intoxication;
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guard duty.
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repair of road,
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building bridges,
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it is clear that the travelers did negotiate from Schelling points to social contracts without relying upon the coercive powers of government. And these voluntary contracts did provide the basis for social organization.
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x CHIARI LA PARTENZA DEI DIRITTI NATURALI: PROP.
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The Schelling points from which the individuals negotiated included a very well accepted set of private rights especially with regard to property.
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c
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In his article, "Paying for the Elephant: Property Rights and Civil Order on the Overland Trail," John Phillip Reid convincingly argues that respect for property rights was para- mount. Even when food became so scarce that starvation was a distinct possibility, there are few examples where the pioneers resorted to violence.
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x TESTIMONIANZA. PROP AL CENTRO
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The emigrants were property minded.
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company organized at Kanesville, Iowa,
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ESEMPIO DI CONFLITTO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 285
'Resolved, that in case of any dispute arising between any members of the Company, they shall be referred to three arbiters, one chosen by each party, and one by the two chosen, whose decision shall he final."' 56
Nota - Posizione 287
x ESEMP
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 289
the question of how to solve disputes involving contractual relations for business
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 291
herding and in the provision of protection from Indians provided for gains from voluntary and collective action.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 293
A common form of organization on the overland trail was the "mess."
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 294
the mess allowed individuals to contribute inputs such as food, oxen, wagons, labor, etc. for the joint production of travel or meals. In this way, the mess, which allowed the property to remain privately owned, differed from the partnership where property was concurrently owned.
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X MESS E PARTNERSHIP
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 296
When the conflicts occurred, renegotiation of the contract was sometimes necessary.
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There were, however, cases where renegotiation seemed impossible,
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[W] e concluded the best thing we could do was to buy him out and let him go which accordingly we did by paying him one hundred doll[ ar] s. He shoulder[ ed] his gun, carpet bag, and blanket and took the track to the prairie without saying good by to one of us. 58
Nota - Posizione 302
x UN CASO DI RINEGOZIAZIONE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 303
there is no evidence that coercive power was used to take property from rightful owners.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 303
If an indivi- dual left one mess he could usually join another.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 304
joint stock company.
Nota - Posizione 304
ALTRO TIPO DI ORG
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property which was held concurrently.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 305
Charlestown, Virginia, Mining Company
Nota - Posizione 305
ESEMPIO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 309
an individual could not simply leave the company.
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withdrawal could only occur with the consent of a percentage of other memhers.
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an even more revealing example of anarcho-capitalism at work is found in the dissolution of the Boone County Company.
Nota - Posizione 316
RISOLUZIONE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 318
When negotiations appeared at an impasse because of the indivisibility of units and differences in quality, prices were assigned to units and the groups resolved the issue by trade. However, a $ 75 claim of the majority group proved even harder to resolve.
Nota - Posizione 319
x RISOLUZIONE E DIVISIONE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 321
Unable to settle the dispute, arbitration came from a "private court" consist- ing of "3 disinterested men," one chosen by each side and a third chosen by the two. Their decision follows.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 327
when the Boone County Company could not renegotiate its initial contract the members did not resort to force, but chose private arbitration instead.
Nota - Posizione 328
IL PUNTO DECISIVO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 328
many companies which crossed the plains "were experiments in democracy and while some proved inadequate to meet all emergencies, the very ease with which the members could dissolve their bonds and form new associations without lawlessness and disorder proves the true democratic spirit among the Ameri- can frontiersmen rather than the opposite." 6'
Nota - Posizione 331
MORALE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 331
Competition rather than coercion insured justice.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 333
the demand for public goods was probably not as great as found in more permanent communities.
Nota - Posizione 333
VANTAGGI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 334
schools, roads, and other goods which are publicly provided in our society were not needed,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 335
Secondly, the short term nature of the organization meant that there was not a very long time for groups to organize to use coercion.
Nota - Posizione 336
BREVE TERMINE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 338
Concluding Remarks
Nota - Posizione 338
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 339
The West,
Nota - Posizione 339
.....
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 339
was, for the most part, orderly.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 340
Different standards of justice did prevail
Nota - Posizione 340
PREFERENZA
