Visualizzazione post con etichetta diana mutz hearing the other side. Mostra tutti i post
Visualizzazione post con etichetta diana mutz hearing the other side. Mostra tutti i post

giovedì 1 marzo 2018

L'ascolto del critico

Probabilmente non riusciamo ad ascoltare con attenzione le critiche dell'altro, a prendere in considerazione seriamente le sue proposte alternative perché farlo renderebbe l'argomento della disputa molto meno interessante per noi.
Cosa c'è di più noioso di un argomento su cui si hanno le idee poco chiare? E il vero dialogo lo riconosci quando esci con le idee confuse. Non sorprende, per esempio, che la partecipazione al voto diminuisca nelle persone più ricettive e con la mente più aperta. Se il dialogo non paralizza e disorienta, almeno nel breve periodo, non può dirsi vero dialogo.
Non è tanto una questione di lesa maestà, quindi: quando l' "altro" è critico con noi costituisce una minaccia perché ci sottrae "senso" e motivazioni.
'Religion and politics', as the old saying goes, 'should never be discussed in mixed company.'And yet fostering discussions that cross lines of political difference has long…
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venerdì 23 febbraio 2018

L'ASCOLTO CHE PARALIZZA

Ascoltare gli altri e non votare sono azioni strettamente connesse tra loro. Il dialogo o paralizza o non è dialogo.
#Amazon

Most people believe democracy is a uniquely just form of government. They believe people have the right to an equal share of political power. And they believe that political participation is good for us―it empowers us, helps us get what we want, and tends to…
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martedì 14 novembre 2017

Sulla nuova linea di Comunione e Liberazione

Sulla nuova linea di Comunione e Liberazione

Innanzitutto, eccola: basta con le certezze, basta con l’ autoproclamazione identitaria, basta con le “teorie” inamovibili (i dogmi?), basta con le proprie ragioni ad occupare tutto, basta con le correzioni.
Ora bisogna “dialogare” e cioè “ascoltare l’altro”, senza più dare troppo peso ai manuali e ai catechismi, rimettendo continuamente in forse le conclusioni e rileggendo ogni cosa in un “dinamismo di verifica nel reale”.
Nel caso della scuola, tanto per dire, questo si traduce nel fatto che  l’ identità e l’impegno per la libertà di educazione devono scansare la mummificazione nell’ideologia.
Bisogna superare le colonne d’Ercole e non fermarsi agli schemi, entrando invece nella personalità dei ragazzi.
Vittadini sul nuovo corso: “la scuola deve essere un cambiamento di teoria. Alla fine dell’anno non si capisce più chi è comunista, cattolico o agnostico perché un uomo intelligente cambia idea e i ragazzi sono contenti”.
Le accuse e lo sbalordimento di molti è stata la naturale conseguenza di parole tanto nette.
Ma sono in molti a difendere la svolta. SecondoMaurizio Vitali (ex direttore del mensile ciellino Tracce), Vittadini non ha detto che “nel dialogo è bene che si perda la certezza dell’identità e si cambi idea”, come vorrebbe chi lo accusa.
Ecco allora che si creano due fronti: da un lato i fautori del nuovo corso che chiedono una maggiore apertura del movimento, minimizzando i pericoli che cio’ comporterebbe; dall’altro chi vede nelle aperture indiscriminate un’ inevitabile perdita di identità.
***
Personalmente credo abbiano ragione entrambi: 1) bene il dialogo, 2) nella coscienza che una tale pratica indebolisce la nostra identità.
Se un uomo di fede dialoga sul serio con un ateo, il primo perde parte della sua fede, il secondo ne guadagna un po’. Se non si realizza niente del genere non possiamo parlare di dialogo.
Ma un conto è indebolirsi, un altro liquefarsi. Ecco allora il problema centrale da risolvere: che rischi reali comporta l’apertura.
***
I ciellini sembrano oggi- in piena era di globalizzazione – più coscienti del pericolo di settarismo.
Non sorprende che l’allarme scatti proprio ora, già il sociologo Claude Fischer metteva in guardia: “quanto più la società è diversificata, tanto più si tende a rinchiudersi tra simili… oggi più che mai i bambini delle classi abbienti tendono a vivere, giocare e imparare stando tra loro”.
Al di là dei sociologismi è chiaro che dietro c’è l’opzione papista: l’ombra lunga di Francesco si fa sentire. Di fronte a un papa che divide, CL sembra aver compiuto la sua scelta.
Ma, attenzione, cosa succede realmente quando ci si apreall’altro?
Per fortuna la sociologia politica ha già studiato a fondo il fenomeno contrapponendo la figura del militante (chi si chiude) a quella del “terzista” (chi si apre). In cosa si differenziano questi due prototipi?
Uno penserebbe che il discorso politico sia destinato ad arricchirsi quando incorpora le istanze della controparte. In modo un po’ sorprendente l’evidenza empirica ci segnala il contrario: fermezza e dogmatismo impediscono di scivolare dentro una melassa indistinta in cui tutte le vacche diventano grigie e il discorso una sterile palude senza riferimenti.
Il destino di chi si “apre” è spesso quello di andare in confusione e vagare senza bussola, mentre quello del dogmatico è di mummificarsi in slogan che urla ritmicamente con le orecchie tappate.
Il “militante”, per lo meno, ha voglia di partecipare, ha voglia di stare con i propri simili, questo anche se il suo contributo nella crescita comune risulta piuttosto ottuso. Diciamo che la sua condizione è la meno peggio per i sostenitori della “democrazia partecipativa” (quella che ha per obbiettivo il coinvolgimento).
Il terzista è invece confuso, tende a desistere, a voler tirarsi fuori, questo anche se la sua partecipazione potrebbe essere fruttuosa. La sua condizione è la meno peggio per i sostenitori della cosiddetta “democrazia deliberativa” (quella che ha come obbiettivo di scegliere bene).
Nella misura in cui le persone sono invitate ad allargare le loro relazioni si pensa ad una maggiore apertura mentale e ad un contributo di maggior pregio. Illusione!: chi apre la propria mente – e lo fa sul serio – finisce per rifugiarsi in un ozioso agnosticismo che azzera il suo contributo.
Entusiasmo e ponderatezza possono convivere? No. Quasi sempre no. Entusiasmo e ponderatezza costituiscono un dilemma per il credente.
I ciellini dovrebbero partire da questa base empirica per ragionare sul loro futuro.
Ampliare la rete delle proprie relazioni non serve: più le reti si amplificano, più il conformismo domina.
Nel fiume della grande società il membro minoritario non discute con altri membri minoritari ma con il leviatano conformista che lo assoggetta all’istante: non c’è niente di piùappiattente della “società diversificata”.
Quando si esce dalla propria “tana” per buttarsi nel grande mare della società aperta il destino è segnato: si viene travolti da un conformismo indistinto che forse è ancora peggio del settarismo asfissiante.
***
Non c’è una via di mezzo? E se sì, dove posso trovarla?
Anche qui la ricerca politica puo’ esserci utile e, per fortuna, ha una risposta abbastanza consolante,
Sì, una via di mezzo puo’ esserci: è la franca discussione a quattr’occhi.
Il gruppo ristretto è la via di fuga alla Scilla del settarismo élitario e alla Cariddi del conformismo di massa.
Nel micro-gruppo la doppia pressione settarista/conformista si allenta.
E’ nel piccolo gruppo che si puo’ cambiare posizione mantenendo la bussola. E’ nel piccolo gruppo che si evolve sopportando la grande sofferenza che questo comporta.
Penso allora a un piccolo gruppo di persone molto simili che si parlano però a viso aperto, senza l’esigenza continua di confermarsi in modo compulsivo con un “mi piace”.
Risultati immagini per painting comunione liberazione

venerdì 1 settembre 2017

ch 1+2+3+4 Partecipare o decidere?

Hearing the Other Side: Deliberative versus Participatory Democracy
Diana C. Mutz
Last annotated on Friday September 1, 2017
73 Highlight(s) | 73 Note(s)
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Hearing the Other Side Deliberative versus Participatory Democracy
Note:TITOLO@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@

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Drawing on her empirical work, Mutz concludes that it is doubtful that an extremely activist political culture can also be a heavily deliberative one.
Note:ATTIVISMO E DEMOCRAZIA

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Preface
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1 1 Hearing the Other Side, in Theory and in Practice
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And despite the tremendous negative publicity that currently plagues American businesses, the American workplace is inadvertently performing an important public service simply by establishing a social context in which diverse groups of people are forced into daily interaction with one another.
Note:MIX SUL POSTO DI LAVORO

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As I explain in subsequent chapters, my empirical work in this arena has led me to believe that there are fundamental incompatibilities between theories of participatory democracy and theories of deliberative democracy.
Note:TESI DELL INCOMPATIBILITÀ

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Although diverse political networks foster a better understanding of multiple perspectives on issues and encourage political tolerance, they discourage political participation, particularly among those who are averse to conflict.
Note:LE CURVE ALLONTANANO DALLA PARTECIPAZIONE

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it is doubtful that an extremely activist political culture can also be a heavily deliberative one. The best social environment for cultivating political activism is one in which people are surrounded by those who agree with them, people who will reinforce the sense that their own political views are the only right and proper way to proceed.
Note:LA MILITANZA FA PRENDERE SCERLTE SBAGLIATE

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Studying a Moving Target
Note:TITOLO

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Face-to-face discussions that cross lines of political difference are central to most conceptions of deliberative democracy.1 But many of the conditions necessary for approximating deliberative ideals such as Habermas’s “ideal speech situation”2 are unlikely to be realized in naturally occurring social contexts.3
Note:UTOPIA ALLA HABERMAS

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As Mansbridge notes, “Everyday talk, if not always deliberative, is nevertheless a crucial part of the full deliberative system.”
Note:IL BAR

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Avoiding What’s Good for Use?
Note:TITOLO

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“Religion and politics,” as the old saying goes, “should never be discussed in mixed company.”
Note:MOTTO

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Political talk is now central to most current conceptions of how democracy functions.
Note:POLITICAL TALK

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For example, Habermas’s “ideal speech situation” incorporates the assumption that exposure to dissimilar views will benefit the inhabitants of a public sphere by encouraging greater deliberation and reflection.
Note:HABERMAS: ESPORSI ALL'ALTRO

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Communitarian theorists further stress the importance of public discourse among people who are different from one another.
Note:COMUNITARIOSMO

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Perhaps the most often cited proponent of communication across lines of difference is John Stuart Mill, who pointed out how a lack of contact with oppositional viewpoints diminishes the prospects for a public sphere:
Note:MILL

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Likewise, Habermas assumes that exposure to dissimilar views will benefit the inhabitants of a public sphere by encouraging greater interpersonal deliberation and intrapersonal reflection.
Note:INTERPERSONAL

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According to Arendt, exposure to conflicting political views also plays an integral role in encouraging “enlarged mentality,” that is, the capacity to form an opinion “by considering a given issue from different viewpoints, by making present to my mind the standpoints of those who are absent. . . .
Note:ARENDT

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“Hence discussion rather than private deliberation would be necessary to ‘put on the table’ the various reasons and arguments that different individuals had in mind, and thus to ensure that no one could see the end result as arbitrary rather than reasonable and justifiable, even if not what he or she happened to see as most justifiable.”
Note:DISCUSSIONEVS RIFLESSIONE

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Social network studies have long suggested that likes talk to likes; in other words, people tend to selectively expose themselves to people who do not challenge their view of the world.
Note:ESPOSIZIONE SELETTIVA DEI NUOVI MEDIA

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What Is Meant by Diversity? Some Definitional Issues
Note:TITOLO. DIVERSITÀ

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For purposes of this book, I use the term network to refer specifically to the people with whom a given person communicates on a direct, one-to-one basis.
Note:PARROCCHIETTA

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But consider diversity–heterogeneity in the form that Robert Ezra Park first ascribed it to cities: “a mosaic of little worlds that touch but do not interpenetrate.”
Note:PERICOLO PICCOLI MONDI

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As sociologist Claude Fischer suggests, “As the society becomes more diverse, the individuals’ own social networks become less diverse. More than ever, perhaps, the child of an affluent professional family may live, learn, and play with only similar children;
Note:PARADOSSO DELLA DIVERSITÀ

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As discussed in Chapter 2, relatively few people think explicitly about the political climate when choosing a place to live, but lifestyle choices may serve as surrogates for political views, producing a similar end result.
Note:DOVE VIVERE... UNA SCELTA POLITICA

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A Departure from Studying Political Preferences
Note:TITOLO

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When those of dissimilar views interact, conformity pressures are argued to encourage those holding minority viewpoints to adopt the prevailing attitude. When those of like mind come together, the feared outcome is polarization: that is, people within homogeneous networks may be reinforced so that they hold the same viewpoints, only more strongly.
Note:CONFORMISMO/DIVERSITÀ E POLARIZZAZIONE/OMOGENEITÀ

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Solomon Asch, whose reputation was built on studying conformity and its perils, acknowledged the capacity for something beneficial, something other than social influence, to result from exposure to oppositional views: The other is capable of arousing in me a doubt that would otherwise not occur to me. The clash of views generates events of far-reaching importance.
Note:ASCH

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Acknowledging the legitimacy of oppositional arguments is warned against in a popular test preparation book: “What’s important is that you take a position and state how you feel. It is not important what other people might think, just what you think.”
Note:CONTRO L'ASCOLTO DEL ALTRO

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Deliberative versus Participatory Democracy?
Note:TITOLO

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The thesis of this book is that theories of participatory democracy are in important ways inconsistent with theories of deliberative democracy. The best possible social environment for purposes of either one of these two goals would naturally undermine the other.
Note:TESI DEL LIBRO... CHI SI CFR NN HA VOGLIA DI PARTECIPARE

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Like the cover of this book, the pinnacle of participatory democracy was, to my mind, a throng of highly politically active citizens carrying signs, shouting slogans, and cheering on the speeches of their political leaders.
Note:IL PROTOTIPO DEL MILITANTE

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This was participatory democracy as I had known it. There was a level of enthusiasm and passion borne of shared purpose, and a camaraderie that emerged from the sheer amount of time spent together.
Note:PIACERE DELLO STARE CON I PROPRI SIMILI

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it was politics as a way of life, to paraphrase Dewey.
Note:DEWEY… IL MILITANTE... TUTTO È POLITICA

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These partisans could easily be admired for their political knowledge and their activism, but they would be rather like what John Stuart Mill called “one eyed men,” that is, people whose perspectives were partial and thus inevitably somewhat narrow. As Mill acknowledged, “If they saw more, they probably would not see so keenly, nor so eagerly pursue one course of enquiry.”
Note:IL MILITANTE COME UN POLIFEMO

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Could deliberation and participation really be part and parcel of the same goal? Would the same kind of social and political environment conducive to diverse political networks also promote participation? The chapters that follow attempt to answer these questions.
Note:ENTUSIASMO E PONDERATEZZA POSSONO CONVIVERE?

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2 Encountering Mixed Political Company With Whom and in What Context?
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political discussants tend more toward political agreement than disagreement.
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SI DISCUTE TRA SIMILI

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Not surprisingly, political discussion becomes more frequent as relationships become more intimate.
Note:SI DISCUTE TRA INTIMI

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Nonwhites are significantly more likely to engage in cross-cutting political conversation than whites. And as income increases, the frequency of disagreeable conversations declines. Exposure to disagreement is highest among those who have completed less than a high school
Note:PIÙ SEI RICCO PIÙ APPREZZI IL TUO SIMILE

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As shown in Figure 2.4, those most knowledgeable about and interested in politics are not the people most exposed to oppositional political viewpoints.
Note:IL PARTIGIANO INFORMATO

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cross-cutting political networks are more common among political moderates.
Note:MODERATI PIÙ INCLINI AL CFR

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the homogeneity of the network reinforces those same views.
Note:IL RINFORZO

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Those highest in voluntary association memberships are least likely to report cross-cutting political conversations.
Note:IL MLITANTE PARTECIPA DI PIÙ E SI CFR MENO

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So long as people are encouraged to have bigger networks, the promise of cross-cutting exposure will be fulfilled, at least so the argument goes.
Note:ATTENZIONE AD UN ILLUSIONE COMUNE

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The number of like-minded discussants increases with network size to an even greater degree, from .61 to 2.41, that is, by 1.80.
Note:AMPLIARE LE RETI NON SERVE: LE GRANDI RETI VITTIME DEL CONFORMISMO

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Finally, the line marked by triangles in Figure 2.8 illustrates the ratio of agreeable to disagreeable discussants, again by network size. Here the extent of agreement climbs steeply from one- to two-discussant networks, the opposite of the model prediction, then declines back to initial levels with networks of size three, and further toward heterogeneity at size four.
Note:SI CAMBIA IDEA SOLO A QUATTR OCCHI... RETI PICCOLE E DIVERSIFICATE

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Environments are traditionally understood as external, exogenous factors that impose constraints on people’s ability to exercise selectivity: “Contexts are structurally imposed, whereas networks are individually constructed.”
Note:MENTRE LA RETE È SCELTA IL CONTESTO È DATO

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According to this indicator, the United States is similar to Italy and Greece on the basis of the top panel of Figure 2.10. In all three countries just under 60 percent of respondents report a partisan first discussant, that is, one who is known to favor a candidate or party.
Note:USA ITALY GREECE... LE PIÙ POLARIZZATE

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The heterogeneity of a person’s network is not even a positive function of his or her amount of political conversation more generally.
Note:CONFRONTO E PARTECIPAZ NN SONO CORRELATE... IL CFR È OCCASIONALE E CONTESTUALE... RIGUARDA CHI NN SI INTERESSA DI POLITICA

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3 Benefits of Hearing the Other Side
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Theorists extol the virtues of political talk, foundations spend millions of dollars to encourage people of opposing views to talk
Note:VIRTÙ DECANTATE

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There are obviously dozens of empirically testable hypotheses embedded in the assertions of deliberative theory. Unfortunately existing survey data provide few opportunities to test them.
Note:MA LA TEORIA È POCO TESTATA

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Communication environments that expose people to non–like-minded political views were hypothesized to promote (1) greater awareness of rationales for one’s own viewpoints, (2) greater awareness of rationales for oppositional viewpoints, and (3) greater tolerance.
Note:I TRE SUPPOSTI BENEFICI DEL CFR

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Green, Visser, and Tetlock
Note:AUTORI CHE CONFERMANO IL PRIMO BENEFICIO

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studies unambiguously demonstrate that contact reduces prejudice, but not surprisingly, prejudice also lessens the amount of intergroup contact people have outside the laboratory.
Note:IL RUOLO DEL PREGIUDIZIO

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people who have had to learn how to “agree to disagree” in their daily lives better understand the need to do so as a matter of public policy.
Note:CHI SI CFR COL DIVERSO IMPARA A FARLO

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the extent of interpersonal contact across lines of religion, race, social class, culture, and nationality has been found to predict nonprejudicial attitudes toward groups not involved in the contact,
Note:cccccc

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quite a few empirical relationships have been attributed to exposure to non–like-minded political perspectives.
Note:POCHI TEST SPECIFICI X LA POLITICA

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The extent to which people are exposed to differing views also has been invoked in explanations for why women tend to be less tolerant than men, and why those in urban environments are more tolerant than those in rural areas.
Note:DONNE CITTADINI CAMPAGNOLI UOMINI

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Figure 3.1 illustrates this proposed chain of events whereby exposure to people of differing political views increases awareness of rationales for differing viewpoints and thus increases political tolerance. This link is further supported by theorists such as Mead and Piaget
Note:DIVERSITÀ=>TOLLERANZA?

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As shown in Figure 3.2, the number of rationales that people could give for their own positions were, not surprisingly, significantly higher than those they could give for opposing views.
Note:TURING TEST NN SUPERATO

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Effects on Awareness of Rationales for Own and Oppositional Views
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counter to what theorists such as Mill have proposed, there was no compelling evidence that exposure to non–like-minded views had an impact on awareness of rationales for people’s own political perspectives.
Note:CONTRO MILL... LA GENTE CHE SI CFR NN SI CHIARISCE MEGLIO LE PROPRIE RAGIONI

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exposure to oppositional viewpoints significantly increases awareness of legitimate rationales for opposing views.
Note:TOLLERANZA

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As shown in Figure 3.4, people who have a civil orientation toward conflict are particularly likely to benefit from exposure to non–like-minded views.
Note:BENEFICI X L ESTREMISTA

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As shown in Figure 3.5, the size of the cognitive and affective effects on tolerance was modest, and the two effects were very similar in size. But together they produced a sizable effect on tolerance. If one generally perceives those opposed to one’s own views to have some legitimate, if not compelling reasons for being so, then one will be more likely to extend the rights of speech, assembly, and so forth, to disliked groups.
Note:ESPO E TOLLERNZA

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As Figure 3.6 shows, among those high in perspective-taking ability, mean levels of tolerance were higher when subjects were exposed to rationales for oppositional views. However, among those low in perspective-taking ability, tolerance levels were lower when subjects were exposed to oppositional views.
Note:TOLLERANZA... AUMENTA NEGLI EMPATICI

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Does the composition of people’s social networks have meaningful consequences for political tolerance and democratic legitimacy? My answer to this question is yes, on the basis of evidence to date. Although these findings do not support the argument that more deliberation per se is what American politics needs most, the findings lend supporting evidence to claims about the benefits of one central tenet of deliberative theory: that the perspectives people advocate when they talk about politics must be contested.
CONCLUSIONI

4 The Dark Side of Mixed Political Company
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plenty of evidence points to the potential for negative outcomes as a result of communication
Note:IL LATO OSCURO DELLA COMUNICAZIONE

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Hibbing and Theiss-Morse, who argue in Stealth Democracy that deliberation is either bad for, or, at the very least, not beneficial for democracy.1 They base their argument on evidence from voluntary associations and from planned deliberative events in which diverse people are brought together to interact, with the goal of reaching consensus. Consistent with my findings, they suggest that voluntary groups tend to avoid potentially controversial topics in favor of more practical tasks,
Note:I NEGATIVISTI AD OLTRANZA... LA DISCUSSIONE È UNA PERDITA DI TEMPO... NN SI GIUNGE MAI A UNA COMCLUSIONE

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I dislike arguments with my husband, but I cannot, as a consequence, claim we would be better off not having them.
Note:MEGLIO EVITARES I RADICALISMI

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But the “dark side” I mention in the chapter title is not about failed cross-cutting interactions; instead it refers to situations in which cross-cutting exposure succeeds in making people more aware of oppositional views.
Note:IL VERO LATO OSCURO... QUANDO L ALTRO CI INFLUENZA

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Failure through Success: The Political Costs of Mixed Company
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theories hint at the potential drawbacks of cross-cutting exposure for one democratic outcome in particular – political participation.
Note:CROLLO DELLA PARTECIPAZIONE POLITICA

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“cross-pressures.”
Note:IL CONCETTO CHE ESPRIME LA PARALISI

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Lazarsfeld
Note:gggggg

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The People’s Choice was the first study to suggest that conflicts and inconsistencies among the factors influencing an individual’s vote decision had implications for political participation:
Note:L AMTESIGNANO

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“vacillation, apathy, and loss of interest in conflict-laden issues.”
Note:SI VACILLA E SI RINUNCIA

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Although most research attention was focused on the instability of voting choices in cross-pressured groups, some researchers also observed that cross-pressured voters tended to make later political decisions and tended to express lower levels of political interest than those in more homogeneously supportive social environments.
Note:SWING.... MA SOPRATTUTTO RINUNCIA

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Whatever Happened to Cross-Pressures?
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By declaring themselves outside or “above” politics, people avoid taking potentially controversial positions, avoid pressure from those who might attempt to change their minds, and, most importantly, they help to preserve social harmony.
Note:TIRARSI FUORI

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To Be or Not to Be Ambivalent?
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First, political inaction could be induced by the ambivalence that cross-cutting exposure is likely to engender within an individual.
Note:AMBIVALENZA.... PRIMO EFFETTO PARALIZZANTE DEL CFR... LE CONVINZIONI SI INDEBOLISCONO

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Ambivalence also has been tied to having more balanced or even-handed judgments about political issues.43 For example, simultaneous awareness of conflicting considerations
Note:CONFLITTO INTERIORE

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Social Accountability: Political Action versus Chickening Out
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Social accountability may also play a powerful role. In my own social environment, I have become increasingly aware of potentially offending others through even relatively innocuous political actions such as the display of bumper stickers.
Note:ALTRO ELEMENTO DI PARALISI: IL CONTROLLO SOCIALE

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New Evidence for an Old Theory
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Figure 4.2 summarizes the strength of the relationship between cross-cutting exposure and the likelihood of voting in presidential and congressional elections,
Note:CFR E PROB DI VOTARE

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But Why Do Cross-Pressures Matter?
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How can we tell whether it is ambivalence driving people’s avoidance of politics or a desire to maintain smooth social relationships with others?
Note:QUALE DEI DUE FATTORI PESA DI PIÙ?

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This pattern provides strong evidence that for many people avoiding political involvement is a means of avoiding interpersonal conflict and controversy.
Note:QUIETO VIVERE

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When the analysis takes into account both ambivalence and social accountability, cross-cutting exposure no longer has any significant effects on participation. This finding suggests that collectively these two theories do a good job of accounting for the sum total of effects
Note:I DUE EFFETTI SPIEGANO TITTO

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Social Accountability in Public and Private Participation
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one surprising pattern of results is that the size and strength of effects from cross-cutting exposure appear to be independent of whether the political act itself is private, as is the act of voting, as opposed to more public types of political acts.
Note:SOFFRE ANCHE LA PARTECIPAZIONE PRIVATA.... NN SOLO QUELLA PUBBLICA

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The results in this chapter suggest that people entrenched in politically heterogeneous social networks retreat from political activity mainly out of a desire to avoid putting their social relationships at risk. This interpretation is supported by the fact that it is those who are conflict avoidant, in particular, who are most likely to respond negatively to cross-cutting exposure
Note:NON METTERE A RISCHIO LA PACE SOCIALE

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Tragedy or Triumph?
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Most would not chastise citizens for backing off from political participation because they are ambivalent toward candidates or policy positions. Few would blame citizens for their lack of decisiveness
Note:CONSEGUENZE MORALI TRA I DUE MOTORI

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On the other hand, political withdrawal caused by a fear of the possible responses of others in one’s social environment will strike most as more problematic in terms of what it says about American political culture.
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It is difficult to fault citizens for valuing smooth social interactions and wanting to get along with diverse others on a day to day basis. Because political interactions evoke anxieties and sometimes threaten social bonds,
Note:MA ANCHE LA PACE SOCIALE È UN VALORE

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Americans have evolved a means of maintaining social harmony across lines of political difference by relegating their desires to have their own way, and their right to speak their own minds, to secondary status.
UN VALORE SOCIALE PERSEGUITO CON LA NON MILITAMZA


venerdì 5 agosto 2016

ch 1+2+3 Due democrazie (incompatibili)

La democrazia puo’ essere vista come un buon modo per organizzare la scelta collettiva: in alcuni casi è costoso raggiungere l’unanimità cosicché adottare il principio di maggioranza conviene a tutti. Chi abita in un condominio sa a cosa mi riferisco. La democrazia della buona scelta è detta “democrazia deliberativa”, piace agli individualisti che comprendono i limiti dell’individualismo e sono talvolta disposti a fare delle eccezioni.
Ma la democrazia puo’ anche essere vista come un valore che coinvolge il singolo facendolo sentire parte integrante di un gruppo dotato di “volontà generale”. Attraverso la partecipazione appassionata si dà vita ad un entità collettiva che prende le sue scelte. In questo caso parliamo di “democrazia partecipativa”. Piace molto ai nipotini di Rousseau, per esempio i 5 stelle.
Sono due concezioni differenti, pensiamo solo all’opinione che nutrono verso la compravendita del diritto di voto. Chi sostiene la “democrazia deliberativa” è disposto a valutare se un simile espediente migliora la qualità delle scelte. Chi sostiene la “democrazia partecipativa” scarta a priori una simile situazione che, diminuendo la partecipazione e il coinvolgimento dei cittadini, impedisce di realizzare il corpo mistico della comunità.
Ora, Diana Mutz ha qualcosa d’importante de dirci: le due concezioni sono incompatibili in modo importanteChi è un buon cittadino nella democrazia rappresentativa non lo è in quella deliberativa, e viceversa:
Drawing on my empirical work, I conclude that it is doubtful that an extremely activist political culture can also be a heavily deliberative one… As I explain in subsequent chapters, my empirical work in this arena has led me to believe that there are fundamental incompatibilities between theories of participatory democracy and theories of deliberative democracy…
Il cittadino non  puo’ “partecipare” attivamente al processo politico e al contempo decidere in modo lucido: chi partecipa si acceca.
Mi sembra una notizia bomba, pensate solo a questa conseguenza: chi ci invita “a partecipare”, magari andando alle urne o ad impegnarsi attivamente nella propria realtà sociale, contribuisce di fatto a peggiorare la qualità delle scelte democratiche.
Infatti, chi valorizza la buona scelta ed è disposto a sentire tutte le campane per orientarsi al meglio, è anche meno disposto a partecipare attivamente e a votare:
… Although diverse political networks foster a better understanding of multiple perspectives on issues and encourage political tolerance, they discourage political participation, particularly among those who are averse to conflict…
Chi per contro partecipa attivamente alla vita democratica si appassiona e conosce meglio le varie tematiche ma è anche più soggetto ad installare quei paraocchi che lo condurranno ad errori fatali nel momento della scelta:
… it is doubtful that an extremely activist political culture can also be a heavily deliberative one. The best social environment for cultivating political activism is one in which people are surrounded by those who agree with them, people who will reinforce the sense that their own political views are the only right and proper way to proceed…
Il partigiano è ammirevole per la sua conoscenza ma resta un cittadino dotato di un solo occhio, e quindi inaffidabile:
These partisans could easily be admired for their political knowledge and their activism, but they would be rather like what John Stuart Mill called “one eyed men,” that is, people whose perspectives were partial and thus inevitably somewhat narrow. As Mill acknowledged, “If they saw more, they probably would not see so keenly, nor so eagerly pursue one course of enquiry.”
Da un lato Mutz mette in evidenza il tipico motto dell’attivista politico:
… Religion and politics should never be discussed in mixed company…
Dall’altro passa in rivista autori prestigiosi che hanno sottolineato il valore di esporsi a idee differenti dalle proprie. Alcuni addirittura fanno di questa pratica la base della democrazia:
… For example, Habermas’s “ideal speech situation” incorporates the assumption that exposure to dissimilar views will benefit the inhabitants of a public sphere by encouraging greater deliberation and reflection… Communitarian theorists further stress the importance of public discourse among people who are different from one another… Perhaps the most often cited proponent of communication across lines of difference is John Stuart Mill, who pointed out how a lack of contact with oppositional viewpoints diminishes the prospects for a public sphere… According to Arendt, exposure to conflicting political views also plays an integral role in encouraging “enlarged mentality,” that is, the capacity to form an opinion “by considering a given issue from different viewpoints, by making present to my mind the standpoints of those who are absent…
[… Per inciso, non tutti sono disposti a valorizzare l’opinione altrui:
Acknowledging the legitimacy of oppositional arguments is warned against in a popular test preparation book (SAT): “What’s important is that you take a position and state how you feel. It is not important what other people might think, just what you think.”…]
Ad ogni modo, noi tendiamo a raggrupparci tra simili:
… Social network studies have long suggested that likes talk to likes; in other words, people tend to selectively expose themselves to people who do not challenge their view of the world…
Non solo: più la società si presenta variegata più cerchiamo di rafforzare l’omogeneità del nostro gruppo (paradosso della diversità):
As sociologist Claude Fischer suggests, “As the society becomes more diverse, the individuals’ own social networks become less diverse. More than ever, perhaps, the child of an affluent professional family may live, learn, and play with only similar children
Non è un caso che la polarizzazione sia tipica delle società culturalmente più ricche e composite. Diversità di fatto e intolleranza spesso vanno insieme.
Non è affatto detto però che uscire dalla “parrocchietta” sia solo benefico: le nostre passeggiatine in territorio altrui possono risolversi in conflitti altrettanto sterili degli slogan cantati nella militanza.
Che via prendere? Ognuno scelga come crede ma non s’illuda di poter coniugare i valori della democrazia partecipativa con quelli della democrazia deliberativa:
… If neither homogeneous political networks nor heterogeneous networks are without deleterious consequences, what kind of social environment is best for the citizens of a democratic polity?         The thesis of this book is that theories of participatory democracy are in important ways inconsistent with theories of deliberative democracy…
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 CONSIDERAZIONI FINALI
Non sono certo un adoratore della democrazia di per sé, se c’è di meglio che si cambi. Non credo alla mistica della “volontà generale” e della “comunità”, in questo senso privilegio la democrazia deliberativa ma mi accorgo anche che se le democrazie hanno un pregio è quello di non farsi la guerra tra loro e cio’  deriva per lo più dal fatto che il cittadino medio si sfoga “partecipando” liberandosi in questo modo dal demone dell’aggressività. Ebbene, se l’elemento partecipativo è inestirpabile, sulla scorta dell’insegnamento di Diana Mutz, rassegniamoci a sopportare a lungo le scelte sballate e incoerenti che le democrazie contemporanee ci regalano ogni giorno.