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mercoledì 27 luglio 2016

Lead America Real Criminal Element

Notebook per
Lead America039s Real Criminal Element Mother Jones
riccardo-mariani@libero.it
Citation (APA): riccardo-mariani@libero.it. (2016). Lead America039s Real Criminal Element Mother Jones [Kindle Android version]. Retrieved from Amazon.com

Parte introduttiva
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 2
Lead: America's Real Criminal Element Kevin Drum
Nota - Posizione 2
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 6
Throughout the campaign, Giuliani embraced a theory of crime fighting called "broken windows," popularized a decade earlier by James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling in an influential article in The Atlantic. "If a window in a building is broken and is left unrepaired," they observed, "all the rest of the windows will soon be broken." So too, tolerance of small crimes would create a vicious cycle
Nota - Posizione 9
BROKEN WINDOW
Nota - Posizione 9
BROKEN WINDOWS
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 15
The results were dramatic. In 1996, the New York Times reported that crime had plunged for the third straight year, the sharpest drop since the end of Prohibition. Since 1993, rape rates had dropped 17 percent, assault 27 percent, robbery 42 percent, and murder an astonishing 49 percent.
Nota - Posizione 18
RISULTATI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 20
John DiIulio warned that the echo of the baby boom would soon produce a demographic bulge of millions of young males that he famously dubbed "juvenile super-predators." Other criminologists nodded along. But even though the demographic bulge came right on schedule, crime continued to drop. And drop.
Nota - Posizione 22
DIIULIO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 24
And yet, doubts remained. For one thing, violent crime actually peaked in New York City in 1990, four years before the Giuliani-Bratton era. By the time they took office, it had already dropped 12 percent. Second, and far more puzzling, it's not just New York that has seen a big drop in crime. In city after city, violent crime peaked in the early '90s and then began a steady and spectacular decline.
Nota - Posizione 27
DUBBI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 28
Dallas' has fallen 70 percent. Newark: 74 percent. Los Angeles: 78 percent.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 29
There are, it turns out, plenty of theories.
Nota - Posizione 29
TEORIE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 31
it's mostly a matter of economics: Crime goes down when the economy is booming and goes up when it's in a slump. Unfortunately, the theory doesn't seem to hold water— for example, crime rates have continued to drop recently despite our prolonged downturn.
Nota - Posizione 32
CICLO ECONOMICO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 33
Another chapter suggested that crime drops in big cities were mostly a reflection of the crack epidemic of the '80s finally burning itself out.
Nota - Posizione 34
CRACK CYCLE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 37
Another chapter told a story of demographics: As the number of young men increases, so does crime. Unfortunately for this theory, the number of young men increased during the '90s, but crime dropped anyway.
Nota - Posizione 37
DEMOGRAFIA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 39
On guns and gun control. On family. On race. On parole and probation. On the raw number of police officers. It seemed as if everyone had a pet theory. In 1999, economist Steven Levitt, later famous as the coauthor of Freakonomics, teamed up with John Donohue to suggest that crime dropped because of Roe v. Wade; legalized abortion, they argued, led to fewer unwanted babies, which meant fewer maladjusted and violent young men two decades later.
Nota - Posizione 43
FAMIGLIA RAZZA PAROLE POLIZIA ABORTO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 45
After all, they all happened at the same time.
Nota - Posizione 45
UNCONTROLLED
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 47
Jim Manzi in his recent book Uncontrolled, econometrics consistently fails to explain most of the variation in crime rates. After reviewing 122 known field tests, Manzi found that only 20 percent demonstrated positive results for specific crime-fighting strategies, and none of those positive results were replicated in follow-up studies.
Nota - Posizione 50
MANZI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 50
More prisons might help control crime, more cops might help, and better policing might help. But the evidence is thin for any of these as the main cause.
Nota - Posizione 51
MAIN CAUSE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 51
Experts often suggest that crime resembles an epidemic. But what kind? Karl Smith, a professor of public economics and government at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, has a good rule of thumb for categorizing epidemics: If it spreads along lines of communication, he says, the cause is information.
Nota - Posizione 54
KARL SMITH EPIDEMIE INFO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 54
Think Bieber Fever.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 54
Think influenza. If it spreads out like a fan, the cause is an insect. Think malaria.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 55
But if it's everywhere, all at once— as both the rise of crime in the '60s and '70s and the fall of crime in the '90s seemed to be— the cause is a molecule.
Nota - Posizione 56
EPIDEMIA MOLECOLATE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 57
Well, here's one possibility: Pb( CH2CH3) 4.
Nota - Posizione 57
PIOMBO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 57
Rick Nevin
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 58
This has been a topic of intense study because of the growing body of research linking lead exposure in small children with a whole raft of complications later in life, including lower IQ, hyperactivity, behavioral problems, and learning disabilities.
Nota - Posizione 60
IQ COMPOTAMENTI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 62
The biggest source of lead in the postwar era, it turns out, wasn't paint. It was leaded gasoline. And if you chart the rise and fall of atmospheric lead caused by the rise and fall of leaded gasoline
Nota - Posizione 64
GASOLIO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 64
Lead emissions from tailpipes rose steadily from the early '40s through the early '70s, nearly quadrupling over that period. Then, as unleaded gasoline began to replace leaded gasoline, emissions plummeted.
Nota - Posizione 65
PERIODO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 65
Gasoline lead may explain as much as 90 percent of the rise and fall of violent crime over the past half century.
Nota - Posizione 66
90%
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 67
The only thing different was the time period: Crime rates rose dramatically in the '60s through the '80s, and then began dropping steadily starting in the early '90s.
Nota - Posizione 68
XIODO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 71
if you add a lag time of 23 years, lead emissions from automobiles explain 90 percent of the variation in violent crime in America.
Nota - Posizione 71
23 LAG
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 78
correlation between two curves isn't all that impressive, econometrically speaking. Sales of vinyl LPs rose in the postwar period too, and then declined in the '80s and '90s.
Nota - Posizione 79
VINILE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 85
In states where consumption of leaded gasoline declined slowly, crime declined slowly. Where it declined quickly, crime declined quickly.
Nota - Posizione 86
SLOWLY QUICKLY
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 92
Meanwhile, Nevin had kept busy as well, and in 2007 he published a new paper looking at crime trends around the world (PDF). This way, he could make sure the close match he'd found between the lead curve and the crime curve wasn't just a coincidence.
Nota - Posizione 94
MONDO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 95
Nevin collected lead data and crime data for Australia and found a close match. Ditto for Canada. And Great Britain and Finland and France and Italy and New Zealand and West Germany. Every time, the two curves fit each other astonishingly well.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 98
researcher Howard Mielke published a paper with demographer Sammy Zahran on the correlation of lead and crime at the city level.
Nota - Posizione 100
CITY LEVEL
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 103
We now have studies at the international level, the national level, the state level, the city level, and even the individual level.
Nota - Posizione 103
LEVEL
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 104
childhood blood lead levels are consistently associated with higher adult arrest rates for violent crimes. All of these studies tell the same story: Gasoline lead is responsible for a good share of the rise and fall of violent crime
Nota - Posizione 106
BIMBI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 108
For example, murder rates have always been higher in big cities than in towns and small cities. We're so used to this that it seems unsurprising, but Nevin points out that it might actually have a surprising explanation— because big cities have lots of cars
Nota - Posizione 110
CITTÀ E CAMPAGNA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 112
Today, homicide rates are similar in cities of all sizes.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 116
Only gasoline lead, with its dramatic rise and fall following World War II, can explain the equally dramatic rise and fall in violent crime.
Nota - Posizione 117
PRE GUERRA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 119
But there's another reason to take the lead hypothesis seriously, and it might be the most compelling one of all: Neurological research is demonstrating that lead's effects are even more appalling, more permanent, and appear at far lower levels than we ever thought. For starters, it turns out that childhood lead exposure at nearly any level can seriously and permanently reduce IQ.
Nota - Posizione 121
NEUROLOGIA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 127
cell death, in the brain,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 131
High childhood exposure damages a part of the brain linked to aggression control. The impact is greater among boys.
Nota - Posizione 131
AGGRESSIVITÀ
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 135
Put simply, the network connections within the brain become both slower and less coordinated.
Nota - Posizione 135
CONNESSIONI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 136
A second study found that high exposure to lead during childhood was linked to a permanent loss of gray matter in the prefrontal cortex— a
Nota - Posizione 137
LOBI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 139
lead affects precisely the areas of the brain "that make us most human."
Nota - Posizione 140
UMANI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 144
Other recent studies link even minuscule blood lead levels with attention deficit/ hyperactivity disorder.
Nota - Posizione 145
ADHD
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 155
Why has the lead/ crime connection been almost completely ignored in the criminology community?
Nota - Posizione 155
MISTERO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 159
James Q. Wilson— father of the broken-windows theory, and the dean of the criminology community— had begun to accept that lead probably played a meaningful role
Nota - Posizione 161
WILSON
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 162
Mark Kleiman, a public policy professor at the University of California-Los Angeles who has studied promising methods of controlling crime, suggests that because criminologists are basically sociologists, they look for sociological explanations, not medical ones.
Nota - Posizione 164
SOCIOLOGI NN MEDICI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 164
My own sense is that interest groups probably play a crucial role: Political conservatives want to blame the social upheaval of the '60s for the rise in crime that followed.
Nota - Posizione 165
CONSERVATORI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 165
Police unions have reasons for crediting its decline to an increase in the number of cops.
Nota - Posizione 166
POLIZIA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 166
Prison guards like the idea that increased incarceration is the answer.
Nota - Posizione 166
GUARDIE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 166
Drug warriors want the story to be about drug policy.
Nota - Posizione 167
DRUG
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 168
More generally, we all have a deep stake in affirming the power of deliberate human action.
Nota - Posizione 169
AZIONE INTENZIONALE E CASO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 172
there's nothing more to be done on that front. Right? Wrong. As it turns out, tetraethyl lead is like a zombie that refuses to die. Our cars may be lead-free today, but they spent more than 50 years spewing lead from their tailpipes, and all that lead had to go somewhere. And it did: It settled permanently into the soil that we walk on, grow our food in, and let our kids play around.
Nota - Posizione 175
OGGI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 181
"I know people who have move into gentrified neighborhoods and renovate everything. They create huge hazards for their kids."
Nota - Posizione 182
GENTRIFICATION
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 188
Paint hasn't played a big role in our story so far, but that's only because it didn't play a big role in the rise of crime in the postwar era and its subsequent fall. Unlike gasoline lead, lead paint was a fairly uniform problem during this period,
Nota - Posizione 189
VERNICI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 197
the Baltimore City Paper asked him why so little progress had been made recently on combating the lead-poisoning problem. "Number one," he said without hesitation, "it's a black problem." But it turns out that this is an outdated idea.
Nota - Posizione 199
BLACK PROBLEM
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 205
Another reason that lead doesn't get the attention it deserves is that too many people think the problem was solved years ago.
Nota - Posizione 206
GIÀ RISOLTO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 224
And while some scholars conclude that the prison boom had an effect on crime, recent research suggests that rising incarceration rates suffer from diminishing returns: Putting more criminals behind bars is useful up to a point,
Nota - Posizione 225
HIGHT INCARCERATION
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 229
So this is the choice before us: We can either attack crime at its root by getting rid of the remaining lead in our environment, or we can continue our current policy of waiting 20 years and then locking up all the lead-poisoned kids who have turned into criminals.
Nota - Posizione 231
RADICI E FRONDE