martedì 7 febbraio 2017

Cash transfert Chris Blattman

Notebook per
Cash transfert
Chris Blattman
Citation (APA): Blattman, C. (2014). Cash transfert [Kindle Android version]. Retrieved from Amazon.com

Parte introduttiva
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 1
Dear governments: Want to help the poor and transform your economy? Give people cash.
Segnalibro - Posizione 1
Nota - Posizione 1
Come aiutare i poveri? Primo consiglio: guardate le cose al microscopio e nn al cannocchiale. Da vicino, nn da lontano con ricette universali... Prima domanda da farsi: manca il capitale o le competenze?... Competizione tra: - training - scuola - soldi Sembra che tutti optino x le competenze ma l'evidenza dice altro: il training nn funziona e la scuola rende poco considerati i costi che comporta... Purtroppo gli studi vengono per lo più dall' Asia il che li rende poco rappresentativi. Ora xrò sono iniziati parecchi studi in Uganda... Noi ci fidiamo poco dei povrri e quindi anche del CT. Ma i poveri del mondo nn sono dei psicolabili come spesso lo sono quelli delle società ricche... Spesso chi aiuta nn guarda alla resa dei lavori che crea xchè ritiene che avere un lavoro purchessia consolidi la stabilità sociale. Andare a scuola o al corso ti tiene cmq impegnato... Metafora: il capitale sono le scarpe, le competenze sono le tecniche per allacciarle. Con le scarpe slacciate posso camminare anche se nn posso correre. Prima occorrono le scarpe. I poveri nn hanno imprese pronti ad assumerli...
Nota - Posizione 1
t
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 3
Credit Constraints, Occupational Choice, and the Process of Development: Long Run Evidence from Cash Transfers in Uganda.
Nota - Posizione 3
TITOLO GOFFO AMATO DALLE XSONE SERIE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 5
How to create jobs and speed up the shift from agriculture to industry
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 5
answers not at the macro level, but with a field experiment
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 6
Uganda have mostly young, poor, populations.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 7
one is unemployed.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 8
The real problems are underemployment (not enough hours) and low productivity
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 11
default answer seems to be “skills”. If you think these programs are worth doing, presumably it’s because you think (1) youth lack these skills, (2) they can’t otherwise get them, and (3) giving them these skills will produce high returns.
Nota - Posizione 13
x ORTODOSSIA: ISYRUZIONE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 13
evidence is pretty pessimistic about job training programs
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 14
more optimistic about returns to primary and secondary school
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 15
countries–wages go up maybe 10-15%
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 15
Given how much time and money school takes, though, that’s not always the best return.
Nota - Posizione 16
x CONCLUSIONE SULLE EVIDENZE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 16
real constraint is capital.
Nota - Posizione 16
PENSIERO CHE SI AFFERMA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 17
little cash or equipment.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 17
Studies with existing farmers or businesspeople have seen returns of 40 to 80% a year on cash grants.
Nota - Posizione 18
x STUDI GIÀ REALIZZTI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 18
This gels with economic theory,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 20
credit markets are so broken and expensive.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 20
This can be a development trap,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 21
The studies we have, however, overstate what we know. Most of it comes from Asia. Most of it looks at existing businesspeople and farmers only. So we don’t know a lot about giving cash to the very poor and unemployed,
Nota - Posizione 22
x IL DIFETYO DEGLI STUDI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 23
We look at a large, randomized, relatively unconditional cash transfer program in Uganda, one the government designed to stimulate this kind of job growth and structural change.
Nota - Posizione 24
x CONTENUTO DELLO STUDIO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 26
they sent $10,000 to a group of 20 or so young people who applied for it. This is about $400 a person, equal to their annual incomes.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 27
We don’t trust the poor
Nota - Posizione 28
OBIEZIONE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 28
to spend that kind of money responsibly.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 28
We want to tie their hands,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 29
We wanted to know. So we worked with the government
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 30
followed nearly 2500 people two and four years afterwards.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 31
Here’s the “surprise”: Most start new skilled trades like metalworking or tailoring. They increase their employment hours about 17%. Those new hours are spent in high-return activities, and so earnings rise nearly 50%, especially women’s. The people who do the best are those who had the least capital and credit to begin with– consistent with the idea that credit constraints are holding back youth. The more tightly coiled the spring, the bigger the bounce on release.
Nota - Posizione 32
x RISULTATI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 35
credit constraints seem to be less binding on men,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 37
Two weeks ago I put out a report with IPA on a different program in Uganda, with poor women only. their incomes doubled after getting small grants.
Nota - Posizione 38
x ALTRO ESP UGANDA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 38
look for broader social effects.
Nota - Posizione 39
NECESSITÀ DI ALLARGARE L OSSERVAZ A CAUSA DI ALCUNE CREDENZE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 39
other belief many people hold dearly: Poor, unemployed men are more likely to fight, riot or rebel.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 40
aid agencies routinely justify their employment programs on reducing social instability,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 41
Even though we see huge economic effects, we see almost no impact on cohesion, aggression, and collective action (peaceful or violent). If that’s true more broadly, we probably can’t justify all this public spending on the grounds of social stability.
Nota - Posizione 43
x RISULTATI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 44
So is it time to stop giving people skills? Not entirely.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 44
Ugandan youth did well is that they invested some of their grants–maybe a third–in skills training. But mostly they invested the grant in tools
Nota - Posizione 45
x PERCHÈ GLI UGANDESI FANNO BENE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 46
I used to think skills and capital were like right and left shoes: one’s not so useful without the other. Now I think of capital like the shoes and skills like the laces: if I have capital, i can jog a good pace, but I can’t really run unless I have the skills. But first I need the shoes.
Nota - Posizione 48
x METAFORA DELLA SCSRPA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 48
The problem is: too many programs just hand out laces.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 51
The poorest don’t have firms ready to hire them.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 54
Why all the attention to cash transfers now?
Nota - Posizione 54
t
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 55
That’s the question Jennifer Lentfer asked on the Oxfam blog
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 56
Cash transfers are nothing new,
Nota - Posizione 56
OBIEZIONE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 58
She points to a wealth of evidence on conditional cash transfer programs–CCTs
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 59
only if they send their kid to school, get them vaccinated, and so forth.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 63
Most of all, governments and NGOs want to give away cash on condition, or with lots of hands-on follow up or accountability, some of which is not very cost effective. We really don’t have much evidence at all on unconditional transfers. Here I expect a lot of skepticism from the aid community–well-deserved skepticism, at least until we have more studies.
Nota - Posizione 64
x RISPISTA. EVIDENZA SU CT È SCARSA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 73
What’s striking is that almost none of these CCT studies look to see whether the windfalls were invested in productive enterprise. At root are some of the deepest questions in development: What constrains entrepreneurship?
Nota - Posizione 74
x SECONDA RISPOSTA. IMPRENDITORIALITÀ
Segnalibro - Posizione 82
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 82
Ending Poverty by Giving the Poor Money By ANNIE LOWREY
Nota - Posizione 82
Il contante funziona in alcuni casi: quando la platea è giovane e intelligente... La pressione sociale di chi riceve soldi può essere un ostacolo... Il cash transfer può essere un ottimo programma finchè il sistema finanziario si sviluppa... Per le donne CT può costituire anche un fattore di autonomia... Dopo i soldi c' è una barriera di 2 grado. Ci vogliono infrastrutture, giustizia, credito ecc. Come superarla ancora non lo sappiamo: accresciamo le conoscenze prima di sprecare risorse.
Nota - Posizione 84
t
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 86
Does the money simply provide a one-time boost
Nota - Posizione 87
?
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 87
Or might it help her make longer-term investments,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 94
It turns out that winning the money had profound effects.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 95
much more likely to enroll in skills training,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 95
it increased the labor supply.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 95
increased their earnings on two- and four-year horizons, especially among women.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 96
women who won money from the program had average earnings 84 percent higher than women who did not, after four years.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 97
annualized return on the “investment” of the cash transfer worked out to a whopping 40 percent.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 100
This paper seems to imply that there’s some low-hanging fruit
Nota - Posizione 101
DOMANDA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 103
The answer is yes in some cases.
Nota - Posizione 103
RISPOSTA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 104
Think about these young people: they have potential, they’re smart and they’re hard-working.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 107
you need money to start making money.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 123
People feel personal angst, or group angst and community obligation. Everyone knew they received this money, and that might have contributed to the participants spending it in a more forward-looking manner.
Nota - Posizione 124
x UN INCONVENIENTE PER I BENEFICIARI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 133
This is a great short- and medium- term intervention. If participants get the capital, they can earn 40 or 50 or even 70 or 80 percent more per year. Those are great returns. Hedge fund managers would get very excited about that. But one fundamental development problem is that people don’t have access to loans at less than that rate of return.
Nota - Posizione 133
x OTTIMO INV A BREVE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 139
If credit is cheaper, you don’t need to just hand out money. But that’s going to take a long time– decades. And in the meantime, this is a great program.
Nota - Posizione 140
x UN SISTEMA FINANZIARIO È LU NGO DA COSTRUIRE... E NEL FRATT
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 166
at some point there were bigger structural barriers, whether it’s infrastructure or education.
Nota - Posizione 167
OBIEZIONE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 168
We can hazard guesses. We have these studies on India, Sri Lanka and Ghana, where, in some sense, they’re doing Stage 2. They say: We have these existing entrepreneurs. What happens if we give them business skills training? Or more cash grants? What happens if we give them cheap credit? That’s where the literature has been. In general, results have been mixed.
Nota - Posizione 171
x TRE CASI. RISULTATI MIX
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 173
I think we’re still figuring out what the barriers are to small-business growth. Capital is part of it. Training is part of it. But there doesn’t seem to be some solution that’s working everywhere really easily.
Nota - Posizione 175
c
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 183
Why cash transfers to the poor are not the next big thing
Segnalibro - Posizione 183
Nota - Posizione 183
Calma con gli entusiasmi: CT nn è la panacea. Funziona solo in alcuni casi... I soldi sono come l'aspirina: aiutano x poco... L' inutilità dello studio singolo. In qs materie la conoscenza è ostica poichè istituzioni, cultura e biologia s'intrecciano...
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 187
I believe my message. But here’s why you shouldn’t take it too far.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 188
First, the message can be misunderstood. It is not, “Cash transfers to the poor are a panacea.” More like, “They probably suck less than most of the other things we are doing.”
Nota - Posizione 189
x INTERPRETIAMO HENE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 190
cash transfers work in some cases not others.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 190
If a poor person is enterprising, and their main problem is insufficient capital, terrific.
Nota - Posizione 191
x QUANDO FUNZIONA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 192
cash transfer to help the poor build business is like aspirin to a flesh wound. It helps, but not for long.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 194
The root of the problem is political instability,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 198
Single research papers are usually wrong.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 199
The Times catches the swell of the most interesting and sexy,
Segnalibro - Posizione 200
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 200
That is not depressing. That is science.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 202
Is it nuts to give money to the poor? 19AUG2013
Nota - Posizione 202
Ottimisti: a volte funziona altre no: una teoria può dirci perchè. Nei casi di buon funzionamento CT è sempre affiancato da ammenicoli vari: pressioni ad investire ecc. Urge teoria... Psicologia: 1. aiutare col denaro nn ci appaga 2 sperimentare sui poveri (dare a qualcuno e nn ad altri) ci turba... Chi nn sperimenta, sperimenta a occhi chiusi (vicino/lontano)... La rivoluzione psicologica dei random trial... Un argomento ineccepibile per CT: abbatte i costi e i posti nelle ONG...
Nota - Posizione 202
t
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 203
Planet Money reporters David Kestenbaum and Jacob Goldstein went to Kenya to see the work of a charity called GiveDirectly in action. Instead of funding schools or wells or livestock, GiveDirectly has decided to just give money directly to the poor people who need it, and let them decide how to spend it. David and Jacob explain whether this method of charity works, and why some people think it’s a terrible idea.
Nota - Posizione 206
x L ESPERIENZA DI GIVEDIRECTLY
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 217
wildly successful projects I studied gave other stuff, such as training or conditions or social pressure to invest. That probably mattered a lot, and we simply don’t know if pure cash will work as well.
Nota - Posizione 219
x QUANDO C È SUCCESSO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 219
I have two other projects in the field right now that give plain cash, and the signs are not so good.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 223
So why am I still an optimist? I think sometimes it will work and sometimes it won’t, but that we can develop and test theory to predict that.
Nota - Posizione 224
x LA POSIZIONE FINALE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 227
“other stuff” being important. Except the “other stuff” often costs more than the cash. This is the big “cost” no one talks about: suppose a charity could give $2000 of stuff to one person, and help them become 200% richer or healthier than they were before. Is it possible I could spend $1000 each on two people, and help get them each get 150% ahead? Wouldn’t that be better? A lot of charities don’t like to think that way.
Nota - Posizione 231
x IL PROB DELLE ALT. IL CVOSTO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 232
She hated the idea of experimenting on poor people.
Nota - Posizione 232
ALTRO FRENO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 233
When you give stuff to some people and not to others, you are still experimenting in the world.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 235
You’re experimenting with your eyes closed.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 240
But I’ve seen many, many, many projects that spend $1500 training and all the “other stuff” in order to give people $300 or a cow. Is it fair to ask, what if we’d just given them $1800?
Nota - Posizione 242
x DOMANDA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 243
I think humans feel like we owe something to the people we interact with, and pretty much nothing to those we do not. Without thinking about it,
Nota - Posizione 245
X IL BIAS DELLE CHARITY
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 249
randomized trials are helping drive a big, big change: those who help other people for a living are, for the first time, being forced to think about their top and their bottom lines.
Nota - Posizione 250
x GRANDE CAMB. DEI PROGETTI A BASSDO COSTO. SIO PENSA AGLI ESCLUSI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 257
what percentage of their money you spend on “administration”.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 260
a much harder set of numbers: “What impact are you having,
Segnalibro - Posizione 264
Nota - Posizione 264
t
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 264
transfers
Nota - Posizione 264
CT come Index fund. Chi batte il mercato?. CT diventa la donazione di riferimento: distinguiamo le ONG tra chi ha avuto risultati migliori e chi no. Difficile battere sistematicamente il mercato, quindi CT resta un ottimo investimento... Povertà pura: difficilmente si può far meglio che con un CT... Due tipi di evidenze: 1)random trial 2) la homepage della ONG. CT è difficile da battere nell'evidenza 1)
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 264
overrated?
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 265
Kevin Starr and Laura Hattendorf
Nota - Posizione 265
PER LORO CASH OVERRATED
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 267
1. Victory!
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 269
You can think of cash transfers like the index fund of development
Nota - Posizione 269
w ORMAI È LO STANDARD
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 270
2. They are right.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 270
There will be, I am confident, a great many interventions that do better than cash on any number of metrics.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 273
3. Scalable?
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 273
Whether these other interventions prove as scalable or replicable as cash is another question.
Nota - Posizione 274
TEPLICABILI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 274
Too many NGOs search for solutions to help 1,000 people a year not 1,000,000.
Nota - Posizione 274
x DIFETTO DELLE ALTERNATIVE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 275
from vaccines to election monitoring,
Nota - Posizione 275
ALTERNATIVE PIÙ EFFICIENTI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 276
I’m more skeptical we’ll see better alternatives for pure poverty-alleviation,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 277
4. But not so fast.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 277
The evidence they cite in favor of cash points to peer reviewed randomized trials. The evidence on better performing programs point to… NGO home pages.
Nota - Posizione 278
x LE PROVE SULLA BONTÀ DEGLI INTERVENTI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 278
Not everything will get a randomized trial,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 280
5. And let’s do cost effectiveness right.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 283
Mulago’s evidence and method leave something to be desired,
Segnalibro - Posizione 285
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 285
Show Them the Money
Nota - Posizione 285
t
Nota - Posizione 285
Lo spreco tipico: non nell' amministrazione ma nel recapito dei doni. Esempio citato: il programma che intendeva garantire una vacca a famiglia. Tra reperimento, disguidi, rettifiche, imprevisto... CT è sempre meno costoso: con la tecnica del credito telefonico i costi si sono ulteriormente abbattuti...
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 289
even when assistance programs accomplish things, they often do so in a tremendously expensive and inefficient way.
Nota - Posizione 289
ripeye
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 293
Many Western organizations give poor families livestock,
Nota - Posizione 294
x ES DI PARADOSSO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 294
Cows themselves usually cost no more than a few hundred dollars each, but delivering them -- targeting recipients, administering the donations, transporting the animals -- gets expensive.
Nota - Posizione 295
c
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 295
West Bengal, India, for example,
Nota - Posizione 296
su
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 296
Bandhan spends $331 to get $166 worth of local livestock
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 297
In Rwanda, a study led by the economist Rosemary Rawlins found that the cost of donating a pregnant cow, with attendant training classes and support services, through the charity Heifer International can reach $3,000.
Nota - Posizione 299
x ES RWANDA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 300
the money spent on procuring and delivering the cows or other assets could instead go directly to the poor.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 303
Cash grants to the poor are as good as many traditional forms of aid when it comes to reducing poverty.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 306
The process of transferring cash, moreover, is only getting cheaper, thanks to the spread of technologies such as cell phones and satellite signals.
Nota - Posizione 307
x NOVITÀ DEI CELLULARI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 315
typically lauded approaches to reducing poverty, such as educational and loan programs, are not so effective after all.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 316
One of the best examples is microloans, small, short-term loans to poor entrepreneurs. By opening up credit to people who were too poor to borrow from banks, the logic went, microfinance would give the poor the jump-start they needed to escape their plight. Beginning in the 1990s, the microcredit movement took the development world by storm, leading to a Nobel Peace Prize for the Bangladesh-based Grameen Bank in 2006. Yet a belated series of randomized trials has called the success of microloans into question. One example comes from the Indian nonprofit Spandana. Beginning in 2005, the group made loans of about $250 to hundreds of women in Hyderabad, India, at relatively low interest rates. The MIT economist Abhijit Banerjee and a number of collaborators worked with Spandana to evaluate the program’s performance over three years; they found no effect on education, health, poverty, or women’s empowerment. To be sure, people certainly benefit from access to credit; it helps them cope with crises and buy expensive things such as new roofs or farm equipment and pay for them over time. But as Banerjee concluded after reviewing an additional two decades’ worth of data on such loans, “there is no evidence of large sustained consumption or income gains as a result of access to microcredit.”
Nota - Posizione 318
x MICROCRED? PIÙ COSTOSO E MENO EFFIC
Nota - Posizione 325
c
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 326
Another popular approach to development aid has been business and vocational training.
Nota - Posizione 326
x E LA FORMAZIONE?
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 327
Labor Organization’s Start and Improve Your Business Program
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 328
“Teach a man to fish and you feed him for a lifetime,”
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 328
Yet the results of teaching anything -- be it fishing or farming or word processing -- have been patchy at best. In 2012, the economists David McKenzie and Christopher Woodruff reviewed more than a dozen randomized trials in developing countries and concluded that training business owners had little lasting effect on their sales or profits.
Nota - Posizione 331
x INSUCCESSO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 331
people in developing countries, when given the choice, don’t necessarily choose to invest in skills
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 333
examine a government-run training program in Uganda.
Nota - Posizione 333
Da QUI RIPETIZ ESP UGANDA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 333
the initiative gave grants of around $7,000 to over 250 groups of 15–25 young adults (roughly $400 per group member) in return for a simple business plan
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 335
The groups were otherwise free to spend the money without oversight.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 335
participants ended up using the funding to enter skilled trades such as tailoring or metalworking.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 336
But they spent most of the money acquiring the physical tools
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 337
That turned out to be a wise investment decision:
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 338
over four years, the participants’ incomes rose by an average of roughly 40 percent.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 339
existing practices should be tossed aside. But they can certainly be improved.
Nota - Posizione 339
t
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 339
microfinance, for example, finding ways of lending larger sums for longer periods at lower rates would surely make many businesses more sustainable and profitable.
Nota - Posizione 340
x MIGLIORARE IL MCROCREDITO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 343
DON'T HAVE A COW, MAN
Nota - Posizione 343
t
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 343
Fears that poor people waste cash are simply not borne out by the available data.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 345
Mexican families, Ghanaian farmers, Kenyan villagers, Malawian schoolgirls, and war-affected Ugandans -- all have been shown in randomized trials to benefit from cash transfers.
Nota - Posizione 346
x DOVE SI È STUDIATO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 348
five years out in Sri Lanka, four years out in Uganda
Nota - Posizione 348
TEMPI LUNGHI DELLO STUDIO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 353
Studies have shown that the world’s poorest people do not squander cash transfers, even when there are no strings attached.
Nota - Posizione 353
ripete
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 354
Julian Jamison, and Margaret Sheridan.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 354
In 2010–13, we gave unconditional grants of $200 to some of the least disciplined men to be found: drug addicts and petty criminals in the slums of Liberia. Bucking expectations, these recipients did not waste the money, instead spending the majority of the funds on basic necessities or starting their own businesses. If these men didn’t throw away free money, who would?
Nota - Posizione 357
x LIBERIA. NEMMENO I DROGATI SPRECANO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 358
Poor people don’t always make the best choices with their money, of course, but fears that they consistently waste it are simply not borne out in the available data.
Nota - Posizione 359
x CONCLUSIONI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 360
Nor is there evidence that unconditional cash transfers make recipients lazy.
Nota - Posizione 360
PIGRIZIA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 361
small-business owners or underemployed youth with little access to hard capital,
Nota - Posizione 361
CATEGORIE CHE NN SPRECANO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 362
entrepreneurs in Ghana and Sri Lanka have expanded their businesses, displaced women in Uganda have become traders and doubled their earnings, and farmers in Kenya have made home investments with high returns. In most of these experiments, people increased their future earning potential over the long term.
Nota - Posizione 364
x ESEMPI DA 4 PAESI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 368
When people have cash in hand, they tend to buy a wider variety of goods and services.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 369
THE FUTURE OF GIVING
Nota - Posizione 369
t
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poor not because they lack initiative but because they lack resources
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With each dollar we spend, are we doing more good than the poor could do on their own with the same dollar?
Nota - Posizione 372
x LA DOMANDA BASE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 372
In 2010–11, the Association of Volunteers in International Service, a Catholic development organization,
Nota - Posizione 373
su
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 374
To help 1,800 of the country’s poorest women become retailers and traders, the program had been providing each woman with a grant of $150, five days of business planning assistance and training, and follow-up visits from aid workers who offered supervision and advice. Altogether, the program cost nearly $700 for every impoverished woman it assisted. The organization, working with a team of researchers that included one of us (Blattman), decided to measure the impact of the program without its most expensive service: the follow-up visits. We found that such visits did increase the women’s profits yet cost more than twice the amount of the cash grant itself. In other words, the follow-up was far less effective per dollar than the grant and the training course.
Nota - Posizione 378
x PROGRAMMA DONAZIONE E CONTROLLO VS PROGRAMMA DONAZIONE SENZA CONTROLLO.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 379
cut the follow-up service and give out larger cash grants.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 381
The Ugandan example illustrates another upside to cash transfers: they can serve as the index funds of international development.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 388
three predictions
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 388
First,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 388
money transfers will likely prove most valuable in places where the population has been hit hard by unexpected crises -
Nota - Posizione 389
x COLPITI DURO DA UNACRISI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 390
Southeast Asia after a tsunami
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 390
Middle East flooded with Syrian refugees,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 392
Second,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 392
cash could also excel in places such as Ghana, Kenya, or Uganda -- reasonably stable, growing countries that happen to have few firms offering jobs and where most workers, by necessity, are self-employed.
Nota - Posizione 393
x SECONDO. LAVORO AUTONOMO DIFFUSO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 395
Third,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 395
the forms of aid most likely to outperform cash will be those that address collective problems, or what economists term “public goods.”
Nota - Posizione 396
x DI MEGLIO C È SOLO LA POLITICA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 396
health, for example.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 402
One of us (Paul Niehaus), working with fellow economists Karthik Muralidharan and Sandip Sukhtankar, is currently conducting an unusual poll in rural Bihar, India. We are giving poor citizens a choice between two types of aid: the assistance provided by the government’s Public Distribution System, a venerable program of subsidized food delivery that consumes nearly one percent of India’s GDP, or cash transfers, calibrated to cost the government the same amount per family. Both forms of welfare have their advantages. Direct cash transfers bypass corrupt officials and crafty middlemen, whereas food transfers provide a more reliable form of insurance against rising food prices. The results are not yet in, but the experiment should provide a promising model for determining how to spend aid dollars in the future.
Nota - Posizione 408
x ESPERIMENTO IN CORSO. DECIDONO GLI INTERESSATI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 411
CASHING IN
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t
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The findings of small-scale experiments, involving just a few thousand recipients, cannot reliably tell what might happen when the same policies are rolled out to millions.
Nota - Posizione 413
SU PICCOLA SCALA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 414
whether, for example, corrupt officials and armed groups could exploit such programs
Nota - Posizione 415
CORRUZIONE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 415
the evidence from countries that already use cash transfers on a massive scale is promising.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 416
According to the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development, governments in the developing world already run cash-transfer programs that reach between 750 million and one billion people, whether by way of employment programs in India, pension funds in South Africa, or welfare schemes in Brazil.
Nota - Posizione 418
X GIÀ OGGI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 419
The worst fears surrounding them -- of fraud, corruption, and plain ineffectiveness -- have thus far not been realized.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 420
New technologies
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 421
In India, one of us (Niehaus), along with Muralidharan and Sukhtankar, recently worked with the government of the state of Andhra Pradesh to measure the effects of replacing paper money delivered through the mail to pensioners and workfare participants with digital payments using biometric authentication. We found that the new system both reduced theft and improved the speed and reliability of the payments.
Nota - Posizione 423
x UTILIZZO NUOVE TECNOLOGIE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 424
GiveDirectly (of which Niehaus is president) now delivers unconditional cash payments to thousands of extremely poor households in East Africa through accounts on their cell phones, all at a cost of less than ten cents per dollar donated.
Nota - Posizione 425
x GIVEDIRECTLY