lunedì 24 ottobre 2016

THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF HATRED Edward Glaeser

Notebook per
THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF HATRED
Edward Glaeser
Citation (APA): Glaeser, E. (2015). THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF HATRED [Kindle Android version]. Retrieved from Amazon.com

Parte introduttiva
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Tema: come interagiscono la domanda e l'offerta d'odio? Quest'ultima si sostanzia in storie criminali con protagoniste le minoranze da esorcizzare. Qui si propone un modello... L'odio tra diversi è fonte di mille guai: violenza, corruzione, egoismo... L'odio è + volatile di quel che si creda... L'odio è rivolto per lo più verso chi ci somiglia... L'odiatore vuole essere coerente: l'odiato deve essere rappresentato come un criminale... Ma dal punto di vista oggettivo nn esiste una relazione tra crimini e odio. E in effetti le storie propalate sono false (imprenditoria dell'odio)... Il metodo Goebbles: ripetere una bugia la trasforma in verità... Esiste una domanda d'odio: è costituita dalla platea di tutti coloro che nn hanno interesse ad approfondire le storie proposte... Le politiche che riducono i contatti (anti-immigrazione segregazione) fomentano l'odio e si auto-alimentano... Le politiche redistribuzioniste incrrmentano l'odio tra gruppi: i ricchi si sentono derubati, i poveri si sentono vittime del sistema. L'esempio è quello degli afro-amrricani... L'anti-semitismo moderno parte dal pretesto religioso e serve x opporsi al socialismo degli intellettuali ebrei... In medio oriente gli usa appoggiano i liberali, nemici giurati dei fondamentalisti. Da qui la costruzione dell'odio... Tesi: nn esiste odio senza motivazioni politico-economiche... .
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THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF HATRED* by Edward L. Glaeser
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This paper develops a model of the interaction between the supply of hate-creating stories from politicians and the willingness of voters to listen to hatred.
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DOMANDA E OFFERTA D ODIO
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Hatred is fostered with stories of an out-group's crimes, but the impact of these stories comes from repetition not truth.
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COS È PL ODIO
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Hate-creating stories are supplied by politicians when such actions help to discredit opponents whose policies benefit an out-group.
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RATIO
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Hatred relies on people accepting, rather than investigating,
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ACCETTARE
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This framework is used to illuminate the evolution of anti-black hatred in the United States South, episodes of anti-Semitism in Europe, and the recent surge of anti-Americanism in the Arab world.
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NERI EBREI ANTIAMERIC
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I. Introduction
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T
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religious and ethnic conflict.
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x
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Easterly and Levine [1997] find that ethnic strife is a major cause of poverty in subSaharan Africa. Alesina and LaFerrara [2000] document that racial heterogeneity decreases social capital.
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L ODIO IMPOVERISCE
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Ethnic conflict increases corruption [Mauro, 1995]
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CORRUZIONE
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People support redistribution less when that redistribution aids people of different races [Luttmer, 2001]; there is less income redistribution in countries or states that are ethnically divided [Alesina and Glaeser, 2004].
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WELFARE
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Some suggest that ethnic conflict automatically accompanies visible group differences [Caselli and Coleman, 2002], but history shows that many hatreds are quite volatile. Hatred arises between groups that resemble each other closely, such as American northerners and southerners in 1861.
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COME NASCE L ODIO?
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Hatreds rise and fall. Before 1945, Franco-German hatred was a regular part of European life; it is no longer. Anti- Americanism is now common in the Middle East [Gentzkow and Shapiro, 2004], but it wasn’t always so
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c
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White hatred of African-Americans has fallen since its Jim Crow heyday. Even anti-Semitism, among the most permanent forms of hatred, has declined substantially in the West
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c
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hatred is almost always internally consistent:
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COERENZA
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This fact leads some observers to think that hatred is caused by the crimes of the object of hatred. Chomsky [2001] argue s that American behavior is the cause of anti-Americanism. Yet the relationship between hatred and the criminality of the hated group is often minimal.
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c
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The best evidence that: “anti-Semitism has fundamentally nothing to do with the actions of Jews, and therefore fundamentally nothing to do with an anti-Semite’s knowledge of the real nature of Jews, is the widespread historical and contemporary appearance of anti-Semitism, even in its most virulent forms, where there are no Jews, and among people who have never met Jews” [Goldhagen, 1997, p. 41].
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INCOERENZA DELL ANTISEMITISMO
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if hatred were closely connected to the military action, why would 34 percent of the French but only 27 percent of the Vietnamese have an unfavorable opinion of the United States
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ODIO E MILITARISMO
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anti-Semitism, anti-black hatred, and anti-Americanism have all been fostered by false stories manufactured and spread by “entrepreneurs of hate.” C. Vann Woodward describes how race hatred in the post-bellum South “was furthered by a sensational press
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STORIE PRECONFEZIONATE
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German politicians spread anti-Semitic stories for political reasons. Joseph Goebbels emphasized that the power of Nazi antiSemitism stemmed from repetition, not accuracy: “If you repeat a lie often enough, it becomes the truth.”
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GOEBBLES
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According to the 2002 Gallup Poll of the Islamic World, 89 percent of Kuwaitis and 96 percent of Pakistanis do not believe that Arabs destroyed the World Trade Center, and the residents of these countries were more likely to blame the United States and Israel
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TORRI E COMPLOTTISMO
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This paper investigates when political entrepreneurs will supply hate-creating stories
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WHEN
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In Section III, I present a model
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x
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Voters who hear these stories think they might be true and will investigate those stories only if there are private benefits from learning the truth.
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POLITICI VON INTERESSE A INVENTARE. ELETTORI CON INTERESSE A NN INVESTIGARE
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The central prediction of the model is that hatred will be spread against poor minorities by anti- redistribution candidates [as in Woodward, 2002] and spread against rich minorities by pro-redistribution candidates [as in Chua, 2003].
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MINORANZE VITTIME
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Hatred will not spread among group s who have private incentives to learn the truth about a minority. Integration may deter the spread of hatred because it creates a demand for correct information and reduces the costs of acquiring such information.
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ANTIDOTO: INTEGRAZ. LAVORATIVA
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Changes in communication technology can both increase and decrease the level of hatred. If cheap newsprint and television reduces the cost of spreading hate, then this change will increase the level of hatred.
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INTERNET E L ODIO
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Conversely, better information technology makes it easier to learn that these stories are false and to build hatred against the hate- mongers themselves.
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VERIFICA FACILE
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The model explains the rise of hatred as a predictable political response to the redistributionist Populist movement of the 1880s. Populists proposed redistribution from rich to poor that would have helped the overwhelmingly poor black population, and Populists, like Tom Watson, sought support from black voters. The opponents of the Populists turned to racial hatred as a means of discrediting redistribution.
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UN ESEMPIO STORICO
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The model can help explain why anti-Semitism was rife in Germany, Russia, and Austria and rarer in England, Italy, and the United States. In the late nineteenth century, Germany, Russia, Austria and France, right wing monarchists, who depended on Church support, battled left wing groups that ranged from liberal to communist. Within this divide Jews were invariably on the left, and “from Stoecker to Hitler, rightists rarely attempted to refute socialism, preferring to cite the high percentage of intellectuals of Jewish origin among socialist publicists as proof of its subversion” [Weiss, 1996]. In England and the United States, the debate over rule by divine right was long over. In Italy, the Pope excommunicated all participants in post- unification Italian politics, removing religion from political debates.
Nota - Posizione 78
ALTRO CASO SPIEGATO
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Section VI discusses the political causes of anti- Americanism in the Middle East.
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x
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The central foreign policy of many Middle Eastern leaders, such as the Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, Hosni Mubarak, and the House of Saud, is in alliance with America. Liberals and westernizers within these countries have often preferred even closer ties to the United States. By contrast, Islamic Fundamentalists oppose closeness to any nonIslamic nations,
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LA QUESTIONE CENTRALE DI POLITICA ESTERA
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The central message of this paper is that hatred is particularly likely to spread against groups that are politically relevant and socially isolated.
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ISOLATO
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II. The Formation of Hatred
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2@@@@@@@@@@@@@
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Charles Darwin pinpointed the roots of hatred in self-defense and vengeance:
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ORIGINI DELL ODIO
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Ruth Dozier
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x
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primitive emotion that marks for attack
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x
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Baumeister’s [1995] lengthy overview
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x
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“seeing oneself under attack.”
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x
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people who “carry out the massacres see themselves as victims of mistreatment and injustice,” and “bullies, wifebeaters, tyrants, and other violent people tend to think that other people are attacking or belittling them.”
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IL CATTIVO SI SENTE XSEGUITATO
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Erich Fromm
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x
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most murders are between acquaintances (especially spouses) and almost always have an element of selfdefense or retribution.
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OMICIDIO E DIFESA
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Nisbett and Cohen
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x
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x
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testosterone
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x
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provocation,
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As Neihoff [1999] details, when people are threatened, their hormonal systems rapidly produce emotions that help us with an occasionally violent response.
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AIUTO EMOTIVI ALLA DIFESA
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Even economists
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x
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experimental ultimatum game
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x
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stories about crimes of the hated group.
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LEGGENDE NERE
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international Jewish conspiracies
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blacks or Jews raping
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For example, the young Hitler’s lifelong anti-Semitism was apparently primed by materials such as his “favorite tabloid [which] ‘revealed’ that ‘Jewish’ pimps, brothel owners, and white slavers seduced Aryan virgins in order to pollute their blood” [Weiss, 1996, p.
Nota - Posizione 121
MEDIA
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blaming the Jews for the “stab in the back,” that allegedly caused Germany to lose World War I. Given the absence of Jews from German political or military leadership, this widespread and often accepted story is patently absurd.
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ASSURDITÁ DEL TRADIMENTO
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The Protocols of the Elders of Zion,
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forgery in 1921,
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Stalin started his 1953 anti-Semitic pogrom with a false allegation that Jewish doctors were poisoners.
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STALIN E GLI AVVELENATORI
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ancient events or a small subset
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VAGHEZZA CON UNA BASE VERITIERA
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Slobodan Milosevic galvanized his Serbian killers by reminding them of the Turkish victory, and the “martyrdom” of Prince Lazar, at Blackbird’s Field in 1389.
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MILOSEVIC
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One or two allegations of assaults against white women
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x
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black communities
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x
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false stories prevail with rational voters when those voters have little incentive to learn the truth behind the stories.
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SCARSO INCENTIVO AD APPROFONDIRE
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entrepreneurs of hate
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a
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A puzzling aspect of group hatred is that people attribute evil to all members of a group, not just specific perpetrators of past crimes. Indeed, hate is often formed using true stories; the cognitive error comes not from believing the story, but rather in leaping from the evil of the specific people to the inference that an entire group is evil.
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ERRORE COGNITIVO
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“us vs. them.
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f
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group identification
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f
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III. The Model
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T
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IV. Example #1: Racism in the U.S.
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T
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C. Vann Woodward’s The Strange Career of Jim Crow
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anti-black hatred in the American South between 1870 and 1900.
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Prior to the Civil War, the usual Southern stereotype was that blacks were inferior but not evil.
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INFERIORI MA NN CATTIVI
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paternalistic”
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replaced by “intensive propaganda of white supremacy, Negrophobia and race chauvinism.”
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NEGROFOBIA
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lustful, violent, aggressive black
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This rise mirrors the rise and fall of lynching blacks
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LINCIAGGI
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In the ante-Bellum period, slave owners had little interest in spreading hatred against their own slaves. Hatred of blacks might have led voters to support abolitionists, who favored sending slaves back to Africa,
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INTERESSI PRE GUERRA
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The apologists for slavery argued that slaves were inferior, not evil, and that slavery was beneficial for African-Americans.
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c
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The rise of hatred after the Civil War can be explained by changes in the political landscape, and in particular the rise of redistributive policies.
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REDISTRIBUZIONISMO E ODIOVVERSO I NERI
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freed slaves joined northern Republicans (“ Carpetbaggers”),
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IL NEMICO POLITICO
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Ku Klux Klan flourished,
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orators like Ben Tillman,
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“put white necks under black heels,”
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After Republicanism was defeated in the la te 1870s, the depression of the 1880s created fertile ground for this first American party committed to redistribution from rich to poor. The egalitarian Populists’ initially sought support among poor farmers, regardless of race. C. Vann Woodward [1951, p. 254] writes that “more important to the success of Southern Populism than the combination with the West or with labor was the alliance with the Negro;”
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CRISI E REDISTRIBUZIONISMO POPULISTS
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alliance between Populist and black
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elite support for race hatred:
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Hatred finally moderated after 1900 because of a further political realignment. Accepting the power of racial hatred, the Populists dropped their attempts to recruit black voters and endorsed both anti-black policies and racial hatred.
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I POPULISTI RINUNCIANO AIBNERI
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Ironically, the fights against slavery during the Civil War and against Jim Crow during the 1960s Civil Rights Era depended on their own forms of hatred. Abolitionists emphasized the crimes of Southerners against blacks, and Uncle Tom’s Cabin remains a classic of hate creation.
Nota - Posizione 454
ODIO VERSO GLI ODIATORI
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V. Why Germany? Anti-Semitism in Nineteenth Century Europe
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T
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stories of Jewish crimes told over two millennia.
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Jews have been accused of “supernatural powers, international conspiracies, and the ability to wreck economies; using the blood of Christian children in their rituals, even murdering them for their blood; being in league with the Devil; controlling simultaneously both the levers of international capital and of Bolshevism” [Goldhagen, 1997, p.
Nota - Posizione 469
ACCVUSE
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Historically, vilification of Jews was primarily religious.
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XCHÈ
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eliminate competition,
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legitimize expropriation of Jews’
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throughout the late 19th Century as right wing politicians used hatred to discredit Jewish left wing politicians and left-wing policies that would help Jews.
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POLITICA 800
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Today, we associate left-right divides with income redistribution, but the left-right divide in the nineteenth century concerned the issue of monarchy. Right-wing figures, like Bismarck and Metternich, fought not against income redistribution, but against constitutions and democracy.
Nota - Posizione 478
DESTRA SINISTRA
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Religious support for the monarchy was naturally accompanied by monarchical support for the Church. The church-crown partnership led to restrictions on Jewish rights, such as the Russian restriction of Jews to the Pale of Settlement.
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c
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“the Right (conservative, monarchical, ‘clerical’) maintained that there must be a place for the Church in the public order; the Left (democratic, liberal, radical) held that there can be no (public) Church at all, ” and as a result, “Jews supported the Left,
Nota - Posizione 485
EBREI A SINISTRA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 491
Bismarck, the Junkers, and the Catholic Center party on the right faced the liberals and increasingly the Social Democrats on the left. This rearrangement meant that Jews where no longer in the center with the Iron Chancellor himself, but on the left with the socialists.
Nota - Posizione 493
BISMARK
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Adolph Stoecker, an Evangelical pastor, court chaplain, and right -wing politician, was a typical anti-Semitic political entrepreneur. He “founded the Christian Social Workers party, hoping to win proletarian votes for the right”
Nota - Posizione 496
ANTI SEMITISMO PRE HITLERIANO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 496
“the social problem is the Jewish problem,”
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the founders of German socialism, Ferdinand Lassalle and Karl Marx, were Jewish”
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Catholic journal Germania
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“buy not from Jews”
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the Conservative Party
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arrogant Jewish influence on the life of our people”
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Kaiser Wilhelm II institutionalized barriers against Jews.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 502
1870,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 506
While anti-Semitic demagogues before 1914 (like Vienna’s Karl Lueger) were anti-Semitic as a matter of political strategy not personal belief, the next generation of anti-Semitic politicians (like Hitler) appears to ha ve hated Jews, probably because of exposure to pre-war anti-Semitism.
Nota - Posizione 508
PRE 1914
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the evisceration of Germany’s strength by the imposition of democracy,
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L ACCUSA
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Social Democrats were Jews
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communists were Jews
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Germany’s anti-Semitism rose as a political tool used by opponents of policies such as equality before the law that might have helped the Jews.
Nota - Posizione 516
UGUAGLIANZA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 518
In Russia, anti-Semitism was the result of battles between absolute monarchy and constitutionalism. Again, the Church supported the Tsar and the Jews were inevitably on the other side. As Pipes writes [1974, p. 232] “the entire ideology of royal absolutism in Russia was worked out by clergymen who felt that the interests of religion and church were best served by a monarchy with no limits to its power.”
Nota - Posizione 519
ZAR VS COSTITUZIONALISTI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 523
Tsar predictably used anti-Semitism to discredit his opponents.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 524
Russian government engaged in “the overt manipulation of Jew-hatred
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 526
The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, which was written by a tsarist agent in the 1890s
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 526
In Austria,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 527
Karl Lueger,
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Lueger’s anti-Semitism was motivated by political ambition not private animosity. Privately, he said that antiSemitism was “only a slogan used to bait the masses, and that he personally respected and appreciated many Jews and would never deliberately do an injustice to any of them” [Hamann, 1999].
Nota - Posizione 533
STRUMENTO DI LOTTA POLITICA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 533
In France, the Ancien Regime, the restored Bourbon monarchs and even Napoleon III were allied with the church. From the first French Revolution onward, the left violently opposed to the church, and “a feud between clericals and anti-clericals poisoned the atmosphere for a generation and left a heritage of bitterness that endured until the mid-twentieth century” [Wright, 1981, p. 241]. As French Jews who supported the left, the right turned to anti-Semitism.
Nota - Posizione 535
LAICISMO FRANCESE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 537
Dreyfus Affair
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 538
French left many more resources than its German counterpart.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 538
The left built hate against the haters.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 539
J’Accuse, Emile Zola
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 541
Italy
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 542
Italy was unified by a king whose supporters were the post-unification right, but Italy’s right wing was implacably opposed by the Church because the unification of Italy in 1871 had involved the expropriation of Papal property. Pius IX excommunicated the King and pretty much anyone else involved in Italian politics. Since both the right and left were anti-clerical, Jews were spread across the aisle and were politically irrelevant.
Nota - Posizione 545
UNIFICAZIONE STA CA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 545
when the out-group doesn’t differ in a policy-relevant way, hatred serves no purpose.
Nota - Posizione 546
c
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 546
England and the United States,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 547
After 1689, Church-based divine right monarchism was a dead force in England and its colonies. Because the Church had become apolitical, English and American parties divided on economics, foreign policy and abolition of slavery, and Jews were found on both sides of the political aisle in both countries (e.g. Disraeli, Judah Benjamin).
Nota - Posizione 549
LAICITÀ USA ENGL
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 550
VII. Example # 3: Islamic Hatredof Americans
Nota - Posizione 550
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 551
revealed a depth of hatred against America
Nota - Posizione 551
9.11
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 551
Anti-Americanism is quite common in the Islamic World.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 558
“the U.S. and Israel are the source of terrorism in the world,”
Nota - Posizione 558
PALESTINESI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 559
“Palestinian children stand with Iraqi children against U.S. barbarism,”
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 563
The ant icolonialists preached hatred against the colonial powers of England and France (as the United States did against England in 1776), and some groups supported the Nazis.
Nota - Posizione 564
PRECURSORI ASNTI COLONIALISTI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 572
In the 1960s, Gamal Nasser became the “main architect of Arab nationalist antiAmericanism” [Rubin and Rubin, 2004, p. 164]. Nasser allied himself with the Soviet Union and hatred of the United States was a natural complement to that policy.
Nota - Posizione 573
NASSER ALLEANZAS CON L URSS
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 573
anti-Americanism to explain his defeat in the 1967 war:
Nota - Posizione 574
ISRAELE E LA SCONFITTA DEL 67
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 575
anti-Americanism was built only by the tools of the secular state, not by the more powerful polemic skills of Islamic religious leaders.
Nota - Posizione 576
ODOO LAICO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 577
“far from being anti-Islam in this era, U.S. policy became literally its political patron, seeing traditionalist Muslims like those in Saudi Arabia as a bulwark against Communism and radical Arab nationalism”
Nota - Posizione 578
POLITICA USA PRO FONDAMENTALISMO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 579
anti- American hatred flared with the revolution against the Shah.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 583
Khomeini focused on how the Americans had, through the Shah, worked to destroy traditional Islam.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 585
Islamic Revolutionary Council used anti-American sentiment to discredit their more moderate competitors
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 586
connections to the “Great Satan”— America.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 587
The taking of American hostages was called an act of righteous retribution,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 590
used hatred against the United States as a political weapon to fight against moderate opponents
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 593
As Arafat brought the Palestinian Liberation Organization. closer to the United States and Israel, first by accepting the existence of Israel in 1988 and then with the Madrid Conference (in 1991) and the Oslo Accords (1994), Arafat’s rival Hamas “appealed to those opposed to the PLO’s diplomatic initiative, calling the organization a hostage to ‘Israeli duplicity,’” [Kepel, 2002, p. 156]. Hamas generated support by emphasizing the evils of the Israelis and the Americans.
Nota - Posizione 596
ARAFAT E AMAS
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 596
In Saudi Arabia and Egypt, where the regimes are allied with America for financial and security reasons, opponents of the regimes also preach hatred against the United States as a means of discrediting the incumbent regimes.
Nota - Posizione 598
ARABIA E EGITTO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 599
In Saudi Arabia, Osama Bin Laden “invites the faithful to forgo their differences and unite against the Al-Saud family, who have ‘collaborated with the Zionist-Crusader alliance’”
Nota - Posizione 600
OSAMA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 600
The spread of hatred has been so effective that the Saudi regime itself— which is closely tied to the United States— has echoed the antiAmerican mantras of its opposition.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 603
Anti-American hatred became widespread in the Middle East for two reasons. First, the Gulf’s oil means that policies of Gulf countries towards America can really hurt or help the United States. America has therefore become closely tied to a number of regimes for strategic and economic reasons. Second, very few Americans are actually involved directly with citizens of the Middle East’s countries. The social interactions which make hatred costly don’t exist.
Nota - Posizione 606
PERCHÈ L ODIO?
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 607
absence of interactions
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 607
little desire to know the truth)
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 613
VIII. Conclusion
Nota - Posizione 613
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