martedì 24 gennaio 2017

Does Religious Participation Contribute to Human Flourishing? Tyler J. VanderWeele

Notebook per
Does Religious Participation Contribute to Human Flourishing?
Tyler J. VanderWeele
Citation (APA): VanderWeele, T. J. (2017). Does Religious Participation Contribute to Human Flourishing? [Kindle Android version]. Retrieved from Amazon.com

Parte introduttiva
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 2
Does Religious Participation Contribute to Human Flourishing? By Tyler J. VanderWeele
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 6
Communal forms of religious participation sometimes come under criticism for promoting narrow-minded perspectives or even contributing to violence
Nota - Posizione 8
x VIOLENZA E ROSTRETTEZZA MENTALE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 11
recent research published in the Journal of the American Medical Association’s JAMA Internal Medicine and JAMA Psychiatry and in the Annals of Behavioral Medicine indicates that regular religious-service attendance is associated with a number of positive outcomes, including: a roughly 30 percent reduction in mortality over 16 years of follow-up; a five-fold reduction in the likelihood of suicide; and a 30 percent reduction in the incidence of depression.
Nota - Posizione 15
x ASPETTI POSITIVI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 16
data from the Nurses’ Health Study, a long-term study of approximately one hundred thousand nurses with data collected over several decades.
Nota - Posizione 17
x DATI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 19
However, prior studies had come under criticism for not considering the possibility of “reverse causation.” Perhaps only those who are healthy can attend religious services,
Nota - Posizione 20
x OB NESSO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 21
new research addresses this
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 22
The associations between religious-service attendance and longevity, suicide, and depression all remained robust.
Nota - Posizione 23
x RISPOSTA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 24
American Journal of Epidemiology,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 25
service attendance itself— rather than self-assessed religiosity or spirituality or even solitary spiritual practice— is the most reliable predictor of health.
Nota - Posizione 26
x FREQUENTAZIONE E GENERICA SPIRITUALITÁ
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 27
other positive outcomes. These include: greater likelihood of healthy social relationships and stable marriages; an increased sense of meaning in life; higher life satisfaction; an expansion of one’s social network; and more charitable giving, volunteering, and civic engagement.
Nota - Posizione 31
x ALTRI VFATTORI POSITIVI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 34
is religious-service attendance, rather than private practices or self-assessed spirituality,
Nota - Posizione 34
t
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 39
these findings may help health-care providers by giving insight into how religious participation can be a powerful social determinant of health.
Nota - Posizione 40
x MISURE SANITARIE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 41
but many physicians feel uncomfortable doing so.
Nota - Posizione 42
c PROBLEMI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 43
Is faith (religion or spirituality) important to you in this illness? Has faith been important to you at other times in your life? Do you have someone to talk to about religious matters? Would you like to explore religious matters with someone? Answering such questions may help a health-care provider assess whether religious faith plays an important role in a patient’s life
Nota - Posizione 46
x SONDARE IL PAZIENTE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 48
“prescribe” religious-service
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 50
for those who do already identify as religious, service attendance might be encouraged, even in the clinical setting, as a form of meaningful social participation.
Nota - Posizione 50
x INCORAGGIAMENTO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 56
Why is it that communal religious participation appears to have such powerful health effects? One obvious explanation is social support: By attending religious services, one develops social support
Nota - Posizione 57
x PERCHÈ TANTO BENESSERE? UNO SUPPORTO SOCISLE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 60
the social and behavioral norms associated with religious services appear to lead to a reduced likelihood of smoking, which, of course, may positively affect health. Another possible explanation concerns one’s outlook on life. Those who attend religious services appear to have higher levels of optimism
Nota - Posizione 63
x FUMO OTYIMISMO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 65
development of self-discipline or a sense of meaning and purpose.
Nota - Posizione 65
x AUTOCONTROLLO E SENSO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 66
cannot be explained by just one mechanism.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 66
many pathways from religion to health.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 67
cumulative effect
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 68
Are these mechanisms fundamentally religious in nature?
Nota - Posizione 68
t
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 69
careful consideration of how religious services may affect various aspects of one’s life suggests that the role of religion may, in fact, be important.
Nota - Posizione 70
x PARTICOLARE REIGIONE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 71
Of course, social support is present in numerous secular contexts. But within the religious context, the concept of community often takes on singular practical and theological importance.
Nota - Posizione 72
x ES SOCIAL SUPPORT
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 72
If the communal experience of common worship and common values have religious content, perhaps the resulting communal support is both social and religious in nature.
Nota - Posizione 73
x EQUIVALENZA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 73
Similarly, while the concept of optimism is not inherently religious, the message of faith and hope present in religious preaching, readings, and music is central to many religious groups.
Nota - Posizione 74
x UN CONTO L OTTIMISMO UN CONTO LA SPERANZW
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 75
giving up smoking may partly be explained by the emphasis of some religious groups on vice or the idea that the human body is a temple of God.
Nota - Posizione 76
x RELIGIOSITÀ E FUMO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 79
Likewise, hypothesized mechanisms of a shared sense of meaning or purpose in life, or a shared communal outlook shaped by faith, hope, and love, are both religious and social.
Nota - Posizione 80
x SIGNIFICATO E RELIGIONE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 80
no good way to separate the religious and the social

Economia della superstizione

Dietro molti atti che riteniamo sommamente irrazionali spesso si nasconde una logica e una spiegazione ragionevole.
Peter Leeson è forse lo studioso che più si è impegnato a dimostrare la singolare tesi. Nel saggio “Oracles” si cimenta per l’appunto con la pratica degli oracoli.
La sua tesi:
… My theory explains oracles as institutional solutions to “lowgrade” interpersonal conflicts— petty grievances and frustrations resulting from perceptions or feelings of personal offense— that government is unable to resolve…
La teoria verrà verificata sul campo:
… I consider a society of persons who rely exclusively on oracles to decide how to behave in situations of low-grade conflict: the Azande of Africa…
L’economia della superstizione si è già occupata in passato della funzione oracolare
… Iannaccone et al. (2011) consider how political rulers in ancient Greek city states used Delphi as a “neutral nexus”— a location and venue of political independence that helped rulers improve cooperation across their political economies… Delphic Oracle as a means of assisting political rulers to commit to arbitrary actions that preserved status quo relationships between them…
La randomizzazione esplicita delle scelte libera dal carico cognitivo e da rimpianti o risentimenti.
Ma Peter Leeson intende andare oltre Iannaccone:
… my analysis can be seen as building on an observation that Myerson (2009) makes in his appreciation of Thomas Schelling’s (1960) work. Though his paper isn’t about oracles, here Myerson notes the role that oracles could play in providing focal points for social coordination…
Ma cosa deve intendersi per “equilibrio correlato”?
… Before choosing their strategies, players observe a public signal. This signal randomly assigns, or “recommends,” a strategy to each player. If no player wants to deviate from his signal-assigned strategy, supposing the others won’t deviate from theirs, the strategies chosen constitute a correlated equilibrium. We call this equilibrium “correlated” because the strategies that compose it aren’t chosen independently…
Facciamo un esempio:
… To see how oracles can create correlated equilibrium, suppose that before i and j decide how to cope with their conflict they consult a Magic 8 Ball. To use this oracle i and j ask it the following question: “Tell us, oh Magic 8 Ball, great one and infallible teller of eternal truths, is i’s (or j’s) animus toward j (or i) justified?” The die inside the 8 Ball has three sides. One of them reads “Yes. It is certainly true.” Another side reads: “No. It is certainly untrue.” The third side reads: “Ask again later.” The neighbors put their hands on the oracle and shake it together. They then turn it upside down to see what the oracle has divined. The neighbors believe the 8 Ball is infallible. They repose complete faith in its ability to get to the bottom of their conflict— i.e., to accurately identify which neighbor is in the wrong— and agree to condition their behavior toward the other on whatever it answers. If the 8 Ball answers “yes,” the neighbors agree that i’s animus is justified… both neighbors following their oracle-assigned strategies is a correlated equilibrium…
A volte, certi piccoli ma fastidiosi conflitti persistono perché non ci si parla apertamente, magari stando di fronte ad un terzo verso cui tutti nutrono fiducia: l’oracolo è un modo per farlo ed eventualmente dissiparli.  Chiarirsi è importante. Studiando le istituzioni degli Azande notiamo che si puo’ procedere anche oltre su questa via pacificatoria: basta non abbinare le responsabilità ad una colpa.
Chi sono gli Azande? E quali conflitti affidano all’oracolo?:
… The Azande is a tribe of one to four million persons who inhabit parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo, southern Sudan, and southeastern Central African Republic. The persons in this society put the theory of oracles developed above to good use… Between 1926 and 1930, anthropologist E.E. Evans-Pritchard lived among and closely studied the Zande people of Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. The British colonized these people in 1905. My discussion of Zande society, beliefs, and oracular usage is based on Evans-Pritchard’s (1937) detailed and lengthy account… Low-grade conflicts— the petty, passive, everyday sort that exist between neighbors arising out of feelings of jealously, envy, rivalry, and meanness— fell outside the formally governed arena… In the daily tasks of life there is ample scope for friction. . . . Among his neighbours a man is sure to have both secret and open enemies. There may have been quarrels about cultivations and hunting areas. There may have been suspicions about designs on a wife. There may have been rivalry at dances. One may have uttered unguarded words which have been repeated by another. A man may have thought that a song referred to himself . . . . All unkind words and malicious actions and innuendoes are stored in the memory for retaliation…
Gli Azande sono particolarmente permalosi e taluni micro-conflitti potrebbero degenerare se non fossero risolti dall’oracolo:
… Azande who, according to Evans-Pritchard, are “extremely, almost morbidly, sensitive, touched to the quick by any unkindness, insult, humiliation or hostility” (EvansPritchard, 1929: 199). Indeed, “in all [Zande] economic and social pursuits there is opportunity for offence to be given and offence to be taken where none is meant…
Ma come si articola la procedura dell’oracolo?:
… At the core of that system is a belief in witchcraft called mangu. According to Zande belief, witch-hood is a physiological condition. In the intestine of some people lies a substance that enables them to send out witchcraft against their enemies… Since most, if not virtually all, commoner Zande families have witches in them, and many of them are unaware of this fact, persons accused of witchcraft are neither maligned nor even looked on with askance for being witches per se… Through benge (l’oracolo) an oracle consulter doesn’t seek to determine the culprits of such conflicts directly, however. He seeks to identify the witch behind his recent misfortune…
La credenza del demone è decisiva: il “colpevole” è quasi sempre portatore inconsapevole del demone che causa disgrazia a terzi, cosicché non esistono colpe soggettive vere e proprie.
La superstizione oracolare è una soluzione efficiente dei conflitti in regime di anarchia:
… “Only in those areas of society which were left unstructured by the political system did men accuse each other of witchcraft” (Douglas, 1966: 128). Witchcraft suspicions and accusations are the means by which the Azande express low-grade conflicts with their neighbors that can’t be addressed through government….
Poniamo che si ammali un membro della famiglia:
… he or one of his family members becomes ill. This is when he becomes concerned with witches, who are undoubtedly responsible for his difficulty. And it’s at these times that he seeks to identify the offending witch so that he can command him to cease his injuries, which the unwitting witch will ordinarily do… To identify the witch offending him in such cases, a Zande consults an oracle called benge. Benge works as follows. Poison harvested from a special vine is fed to a fowl. The oracle consulter (or someone on his behalf) treats benge to “a speech of five or ten minutes” in which he “puts before the oracle every detail of the situation… The consulter then asks the oracle a yes-or-no question about whether some neighbor is bewitching him in whatever manner befits his recent misfortune. He shakes the fowl to ensure that it has swallowed the poison… As he shakes the fowl, the consulter addresses the oracle in the following way: “If [a neighbor’s name] is guilty of bewitching my [hunt, person, etc.], poison oracle kill the fowl. If [neighbor’s name] is innocent, poison oracle spare the fowl… The Azande consult their oracles with the assistance, or at least observance, of one or several trusted persons
Il nome della persona su cui l’oracolo deve sentenziare, evidentemente, non è arbitrario ma un concreto sospetto a cui la vittima è legata in qualche modo:
… The name( s) a Zande oracle consulter puts before benge as a potential person bewitching him is not arbitrary. The reason for this is that the person( s) who he believes may be bewitching him is not arbitrary. “[ O] ne does not places names of people before the oracle in a haphazard manner. One selects only the names of those with whom one is on bad terms… According to Zande belief, witchcraft is motivated by personal animus. “A witch attacks a man when motivated by hatred, envy, jealousy, and greed… “It is thus clear that allegations of witchcraft reflect the nature of social relationships
Se l’oracolo scagiona il sospetto chi lo ha interrogato si rilassa e abbandona i suoi sospetti ripristinando la pace sociale.
Se invece la sentenza è di colpevolezza, l’imputato ha modo di scusarsi con formule rituali che ripristinano la pace sociale. Ricordo solo che la colpevolezza non è mai soggettiva, cosicché il “colpevole” non troverà mai qualcosa che non va nella sentenza oracolare prestandosi alle scuse rituali e, anzi, nutrendo un senso di gratitudine per l’opportunità che gli viene fornita di scusarsi:
… If the poison oracle “convicts”… “When he is informed that the oracles have declared that he has bewitched a certain man he says that he is very sorry and is totally ignorant of having done so, blows some water from his mouth in a sign of goodwill,” recalling or “cooling” his unwitting witchcraft against the consulter, “and the matter is closed”… “demonstration of remorse” following the oracle’s declaration, “set these ill feelings to rights”…
Per mantenere la sua credibilità l’esito dell’ oracolo deve essere random. E in effetti l’oracolo Azande ha procedure che garantiscono esito 50/50:
… If benge always vindicated the consulter’s animus or always vindicated his neighbor’s, one of the parties would be unwilling to abide by the poison oracle’s declarations… When a Zande consults benge regarding a particular person, he does so not once, but twice. The first oracular consultation is called bambata sima. The second is called gingo. “To obtain a conclusive answer the result of the first test has to be confirmed by feeding the poison to a second fowl…  For example, if in bambata sima the oracle consulter inquires of the oracle in the following manner: “If [a neighbor’s name] is guilty of bewitching my [hunt, person, etc.], poison oracle kill the fowl. If [neighbor’s name] is innocent, poison oracle spare the fowl,” in gingo he must inquire of the oracle this way: “If [a neighbor’s name] is guilty of bewitching my [hunt, person, etc.], poison oracle spare the fowl… Benge results support the argument that it tends to produce opposing results with 50 percent probability…
La sentenza oracolare non deve prestarsi ad ambiguità proprio perché è chiamata a dissipare ogni ambiguità. In questo senso bisogna limitare liti a consultazione simultanea:
… The oracle declares one party’s animus justified in every case in which it declares the other party’s animus unjustified, and vice versa. This result is secured by the nature of the question an oracle consulter necessarily uses when inquiring of the oracle… The oracle consulter must ask benge a yes-or-no question… the consulter is justified in demanding an apology and recall of witchcraft from his neighbor, and his neighbor must apologize to the consulter and recall his witchcraft… when one neighbor apologizes to the other explicitly, the benge ritual requires the apologizer to display genuineness in asking for forgiveness. This helps ensure that through benge the conflict is indeed quashed… the phrases in which he is expected to express his regret are more or less stereotyped, and even the earnest and apologetic tone of voice in which he utters them is determined by tradition… two neighbors in low-grade conflict could in principle simultaneously consult their oracles and each of their oracles could in principle vindicate their animus toward their neighbor by declaring that the other is bewitching him…
Il perno dell’istituzione resta comunque la fede nell’infallibilità dell’oracolo:
… Fortunately for the Azande, faith in the fairness and infallibility of benge is universal and nearly perfect… As a consequence of this trust, “the judgments of benge are always accepted as final”… “the normal reaction to the presentation of a hen’s wing” is “one of acquiescence in which assurances of goodwill take the place of any denial”… when the oracle says that he is killing a man by his witchcraft he is probably thankful for having been warned”… Neither party would contemplate behaving in a manner other than that directed by benge. And since benge always coordinates parties’ behaviors, conflict is resolved efficiently….
COMMENTO PERSONALE
Quando siamo vittime di una disgrazia l’ impulso naturale è quello di “agire” purchessia nella speranza di compensare le perdite sofferte. Un giocatore perdente raddoppia le puntate per riportarsi alla pari, per esempio.  Questo impulso irrazionale opera oggi come operava ieri, e forse oggi causa ancora più danni di ieri: dopo un terremoto, per esempio, i politici fanno a gara nel proporre forme di prevenzione costosissima quanto inutile, tanto chi bada alle spese in certe circostanze? Per porre un freno a queste reazioni inconsulte  l’uomo ha istituzionalizzato alcune pratiche (penso alla preghiera) per potersi ritagliare un momento di riflessione dopo essere stato “colpito” dalla sorte. In molti popoli l’oracolo svolge o ha svolto funzioni simili: consentire all’uomo vittima di una disgrazia (malattia, morte, carestia…) di agire in modo rituale potendo sfogare i suoi impulsi senza fare troppi danni alla comunità d’appartenenza.
azande

The Case against Public Science terence kealey

Notebook per
The Case against Public Science
terence kealey
Citation (APA): kealey, t. (2017). The Case against Public Science [Kindle Android version]. Retrieved from Amazon.com

Parte introduttiva
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 1
The Case against Public Science By Terence Kealey
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 4
economic growth
Nota - Posizione 11
x A CHI DOBBAMO LA NS VISIONE DELLA SCIENZA E DELLA RICERCA?
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 11
The story of the longest-surviving intellectual error in western economic thought started in 1605 when a corrupt English lawyer and politician, Sir Francis Bacon, published his Advancement of Learning. Bacon, who was a man with a preternatural interest in wealth and power, wanted to know how Spain had become the richest and most powerful nation of his day. He concluded that Spain had done so by the exploitation of its American colonies. And how had Spain discovered those colonies? By scientific research: “the West Indies had never been discovered if the use of the mariner’s needle had not been first discovered.”
Nota - Posizione 15
x BACONE E LA SPAGNA. IL POTERE DEL SAPERE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 17
Scientific research, Bacon explained, was “the true ornament of mankind” because “the benefits inventors confer extend to the whole human race.”
Nota - Posizione 18
x ESTERNALITÀ
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 18
the whole human race might benefit from inventions but the whole human race does not reimburse inventors, so invention will not be rewarded by the market.
Nota - Posizione 19
x IL PROBLEMA CHE NE DERIVA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 19
Research, therefore, is a public good
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 22
(Robert Solow
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 22
Kenneth Arrow)
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 22
Richard Nelson,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 26
The contemporary story starts with a 1957 paper by Robert Solow, which was an empirical study that confirmed that most economic growth in the modern world can indeed be attributed to technical change (as opposed, say, to capital deepening.)
Nota - Posizione 27
x SOLOW
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 28
Nelson and Arrow published in 1959 and 1962 respectively, in which they explained that science is a public good because copying is easier and cheaper than original research:
Nota - Posizione 29
x NELSON E ARROW. COPIARE È PIÙ FACILE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 33
The problem with the papers of Nelson and Arrow, however, was that they were theoretical,
Nota - Posizione 33
x PROBLEMI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 34
in the real world there did seem to be some privately funded research
Nota - Posizione 34
c
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 35
the conventional story has since been modified.
Nota - Posizione 35
c
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 37
In a 1990 paper Paul Romer
Nota - Posizione 37
x ROMER. UN RUOLO X IL MERCATO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 39
created a mathematical model by which some original research would be rewarded by the market. Nonetheless, he still assumed that too little industrial science would be thus rewarded:
Nota - Posizione 39
c
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 42
Dasgupta and David in their 1994 paper reviewed the historical development of our universities, research societies and research conventions, and they acknowledged that such social constructs did indeed foster pure science, but because advances in basic science were too unpredictable for their discoverers to profit from them in the market, such science: “is in constant need of shoring up through public patronage.”
Nota - Posizione 45
x DASGUPTA E LA RICERCA DI BASE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 50
there is no empirical evidence
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 51
The fundamental problem that bedevils the study of the economics of science is that every contemporary actor in the story is parti pris: every contemporary actor who enters the field starts by pre-assuming that governments should fund science. Such actors are either industrialists looking for corporate welfare, or scholars looking to protect their universities’ income, or scientists (who, frankly, will look for money from any and every source— they are shameless)
Nota - Posizione 53
x CONFLITTO D INTERESSE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 60
1776,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 60
revolution,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 63
“A great part of the machines made use of in manufactures… were originally the inventions of common workmen.”
Nota - Posizione 63
x FONTI INVENTIVE DURANTE LA RIV INDUSTR: LAVORATYORI. IL PARERE DI ADAM SMITH
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 63
The second source of new industrial technology were the factories that made the machines that other factories used: “Many improvements have been made by the ingenuity of the makers of the machines.”
Nota - Posizione 65
x SECVONDA FONTE: IL COSTRUTTORE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 65
“some improvements in machinery have been made by those called philosophers [aka academics.]”
Nota - Posizione 66
x TERZA FONTE: ACCADEMIA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 66
flow of knowledge from academia into industry was dwarfed by the size of the opposite flow
Nota - Posizione 67
x VONCLUSIONE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 68
governments need not fund science:
Nota - Posizione 69
c
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 78
Adam Smith,
Nota - Posizione 78
x NN RIVONOBBE MAI LA SCIENZA COME BP
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 79
Yet the contemporary empirical evidence supports his contention that governments need not support scientific research. Consider, for example, the lack of historical evidence that government investment in research contributes to economic growth.
Nota - Posizione 81
x L EVIDENZA SUPPORTA SMITH
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 82
The world’s leading nation during the 19th century was the UK, which pioneered the Industrial Revolution. In that era the UK produced scientific as well as technological giants, ranging from Faraday to Kelvin to Darwin— yet it was an era of laissez faire, during which the British government’s systematic support for science was trivial.
Nota - Posizione 84
x UK DELL 800
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 85
The world’s leading nation during the 20th century was the United States, and it too was laissez faire, particularly in science.
Nota - Posizione 86
x USA 900
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 91
America, therefore, produced its industrial leadership, as well as its Edisons, Wrights, Bells, and Teslas, under research laissez faire.
Nota - Posizione 92
c
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 93
Meanwhile the governments in France and Germany poured money into R& D, and though they produced good science, during the 19th century their economies failed even to converge on the UK’s, let alone overtake it as did the US’s.
Nota - Posizione 94
x GERMANIA E FRANCIA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 94
For the 19th and first half of the 20th centuries, the empirical evidence is clear: the industrial nations whose governments invested least in science did best economically— and they didn’t do so badly in science either.
Nota - Posizione 96
x CONCLUSIONI LAMPANTI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 97
What happened thereafter? War.
Nota - Posizione 97
x GUERRA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 104
The contemporary economic evidence, moreover, confirms that the government funding of R& D has no economic benefit. Thus in 2003 the OECD (Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development— the industrialized nations’ economic research agency) published its Sources of Economic Growth in OECD Countries, which reviewed all the major measurable factors that might explain the different rates of growth of the 21 leading world economies between 1971 and 1998.
Nota - Posizione 107
x OGGI 1991 1998. FONDI ALLA RICERCA MO BENEFIC
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 107
whereas privately funded R& D stimulated economic growth, publicly funded R& D had no impact.
Nota - Posizione 108
x PUBBLICO E PRIVATO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 110
They speculated that publicly funded R& D might crowd out privately funded R& D which, if true, suggests that publicly funded R& D might actually damage economic growth.
Nota - Posizione 111
x MA PERCHÈ L IMPATTO NEGATIVO? EFFETTO SPIAZZAMENTO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 112
“the direct effect of public research is weakly negative,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 114
The OECD, Walter Park, and I have therefore— like Adam Smith— tested empirically the model of science as a public or merit good, and we have found it to be wrong: the public funding of research has no beneficial effects on the economy.
Nota - Posizione 115
x IL MODELO CANONICO AL TEST DELLA VERITÀ
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 116
namely that copying other people’s research is cheap and easy.
Nota - Posizione 117
x LA PREMESSA SBAGLIATA NEL MODELLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 117
When Edwin Mansfield of the University of Pennsylvania examined 48 products that, during the 1970s, had been copied by companies in the chemicals, drugs, electronics, and machinery industries in New England, he found that the costs of copying were on average 65 per cent of the costs of original invention.
Nota - Posizione 119
x COSTI DI VOPIATURA: 65%
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 119
And the time taken to copy was, on average, 70 per cent of the time taken by the original invention.
Nota - Posizione 120
x 70%. COPUARE È COSTOSO E MACCHINOSO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 121
acquisition of tacit (as opposed to explicit) knowledge.
Nota - Posizione 121
x IMPARARE DA CHI TACE E NN SPIEGA NN È FACILE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 122
As scholars such as Michael Polanyi (see his classic 1958 book Personal Knowledge) and Harry Collins of the University of Cardiff (see his well-titled 2010 book Tacit and Explicit Knowledge) have shown, copying new science and technology is not a simple matter of following a blueprint: it requires the copier actually to reproduce the steps taken by the originator.
Nota - Posizione 125
x STUDI SUL PUNTO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 127
when Harry Collins studied the spread of a technology called the TEA laser, he discovered that the only scientists who succeeded in copying it were those who had visited laboratories where TEA lasers were already up and running:
Nota - Posizione 129
x CASO TEA LASER
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 134
But if it costs specialists 65 per cent of the original costs to copy an innovation, think how much more it would cost non-specialists to copy it.
Nota - Posizione 135
x FIGURIAMOCI I NN SPECIALISTI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 137
In a 1990 paper with the telling title of “Why Do Firms Do Basic Research With Their Own Money?” Nathan Rosenberg of Stanford University showed that the down payment that a potential copier has to make before he or she can even begin to copy an innovation is their own prior contribution to the field: only when your own research is credible can you understand the field. And what do credible researchers do? They publish papers and patents that others can read, and they produce goods that others can strip down.
Nota - Posizione 140
x SI COPIA MEGLIO SE SI CONOSCVONO LE BASI. PER QUELLO LE IMPRESE FANO RICERCA DI BASE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 142
So the true costs of copying in a free market are 100 per cent— the 65 per cent costs of direct copying and the initial 35 per cent down payment you have to make to sustain the research capacities and output of the potential copiers.
Nota - Posizione 143
x SI ARRIVA COSÌ AL 100%
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 146
That is why, as scholars from the University of Sussex have shown, some 7 per cent of all industrial R& D worldwide is spent on pure science. This is also why big companies achieve the publication rates of medium-sized universities.
Nota - Posizione 147
x SPESA PRIVATA IN SCIENZA PURA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 148
Edwin Mansfield and Zvi Griliches of Harvard have shown by comprehensive surveys that the more that companies invest in pure science, the greater are their profits.
Nota - Posizione 149
x PROFITTO E SCIENZA PURA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 163
Industrial scientists have long known that sharing knowledge is useful (why do you think competitor companies cluster?) though anti-trust law can force them to be discreet. So in 1985, reporting on a survey of 100 American companies, Edwin Mansfield found that “[ i] nformation concerning the detailed nature and operation of a new product or process generally leaks out within a year.”
Nota - Posizione 166
x CONDIVIDERE LACCONOSCENZA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 166
in a survey of eleven American steel companies, Eric von Hippel of MIT’s Sloan School of Management found that ten of them regularly swapped proprietary information with rivals. In an international survey of 102 firms, Thomas Allen (also of Sloan) found that no fewer than 23 per cent of their important innovations came from swapping information with rivals.
Nota - Posizione 167
x EVIDENZA CONDIVISIONE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 170
In two papers published in 1991 and 1998, Mansfield showed that the overwhelming source of new technologies was companies’ own R& D, and that academic research accounted for only 5 per cent of companies’ new sales and only 2 per cent of the savings that could be attributed to new processes.
Nota - Posizione 172
x CONTRIBUTO ACCADEMICO TRASVURABILE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 173
the distinction between pure and applied science is now largely defunct,
Nota - Posizione 174
x DISCRIMINE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 176
obsession with monopoly.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 176
The economists say that unless an innovator can claim, in perpetuity, 100 per cent of the commercial return on her innovation, she will underinvest
Nota - Posizione 177
x ORTODOSSIA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 179
In reality, entrepreneurs make their investments in the light of the competition, and their goal is a current edge over their rivals, not some abstract dream of immortal monopoly in fictitious “perfect” markets.
Nota - Posizione 179
x LA REALTÀ
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 181
The strongest argument for the government funding of science today is anecdotal: would we have the internet, say, or the Higgs Boson, but for government funding? Yet anecdotage ignores crowding out.
Nota - Posizione 182
x AI DIFENSORI NON RESTANO CHE ANEDDOTI CHE IGNORANO LO SPIAZZAMENTO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 182
We wouldn’t have had the generation of electricity but for the private funding of Michael Faraday, and if government funding crowds out the private philanthropic funding of science (and it does, because the funding of pure science is determined primarily by GDP per capita, regardless of government largesse)
Nota - Posizione 183
x CONTROANEDDOTO
Nota - Posizione 184
x PIL
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 200
it was the Cold War and the upcoming space race (Sputnik was launched in 1958) that— incredibly— persuaded economists that the USSR’s publicly funded industrial base would overtake the United States’ unless the United States foreswore its attachment to free markets in research.
Nota - Posizione 203
x CORSA ALLO SPAZIO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 204
Sputnik was based on the research of Robert ‘Moonie’ Goddard of Clark College, Massachusetts, which was supported by the Guggenheims— but
Nota - Posizione 205
c
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 208
Cui bono? Who benefits from this fictitious economics of science? It’s the economists, universities, and defence contractors who benefit, at the taxpayers’ expense.
Nota - Posizione 209
x A CHI GIOVA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 214
Unfortunately too many people have an interest in so representing science.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 217
Replies on Public Goods and Crowding Out
Nota - Posizione 218
t
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 225
Victoria Harden makes a strong defence for the public funding of health research,
Nota - Posizione 225
x OB SALUTE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 225
the improvements in health we have seen in the industrialized world have been occurring for nearly 200 years now, and when a person charts those improvements against the initiation of significant government funding of health research (which in the UK, for example, was launched in 1913 with the creation of the Medical Research Council) one simply does not see any deflection in the long-term trends in morbidity and mortality.
Nota - Posizione 228
x GRAFICO E CONFITAZ
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 228
So much health research continues to be supported by independent foundations (Wellcome Trust, Bill and Melinda Gates etc) to say nothing of that funded by private companies (the drug companies have huge budgets for R& D)
Nota - Posizione 230
x I PRIVATI NELLA SALUTE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 231
After all, it is interesting how little benefit the former Soviet bloc’s generously funded research programs yielded in terms of health care.
Nota - Posizione 232
x SOVIETICI E SALUTE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 235
Patrick Michaels makes the point that government funding has introduced perverse incentives and has damaged the intellectual autonomy of the universities.
Nota - Posizione 236
x FONDI PUBBLICI E AUTONOMIA INTELLETTUALE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 237
historical evidence
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 237
for example, one of the godfathers of the federal support of research was Henry Wallace (one of FDR’s Vice Presidents and, unexpectedly, Marxist in his sympathies) and he complained that the greatest opposition to his plans came from the scientists themselves, who wanted to protect their autonomy.
Nota - Posizione 239
x WALLACE E L OPPOSIZIONE A FDR
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 244
David Guston makes a different set of points: he says in effect that, okay, perhaps in narrow economic terms science may not be a public good, but there are nonetheless good national reasons other than defence why a democratic government might legitimately want or need to fund science, particularly in support of particular, perhaps infrastructural, missions. In this he was adumbrated by Victoria Harden who made the point that drug companies’ published clinical trials cannot always be trusted.
Nota - Posizione 248
x OB. IL GOV GARATISCE CREDIBILITÀ
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 252
I do agree that we can’t leave research solely to the for-profit sector and so, if for whatever reason the philanthropic sector fails to provide, then government would have to intervene, but the problem is that there is good evidence for the government funding of philanthropic research crowding out private philanthropic research, so public research even if philanthropically orientated should not be entered into lightly.
Nota - Posizione 255
x OK SUSSIDIARIETÀ. MA C È SPIAZAMENTO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 256
the evidence is clear