martedì 20 settembre 2016

Earw( h) ig: I can’t hear you because your ideas are old - Peter Boettke Christopher Coyne Peter Leeson

Notebook per
Peter Boettke Christopher Coyne Peter  Leeson
riccardo-mariani@libero.it
Citation (APA): riccardo-mariani@libero.it. (2016). Peter Boettke Christopher Coyne Peter  Leeson [Kindle Android version]. Retrieved from Amazon.com

Parte introduttiva
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 3
Earw( h) ig: I can’t hear you because your ideas are old Peter J. Boettke,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 8
The smooth evolution of economic thought from falsehood to truth that underlies the Whig perspective is complicated by both historical circumstances and the intimate relationship between economics and politics that follows from the attraction of public policy for those who enter the discipline.
Nota - Posizione 9
TESI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 10
1. Introduction
Nota - Posizione 10
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 38
Critics of the practice of mainstream economics also united in a desire to see more attention placed on the history of the discipline.
Nota - Posizione 39
STORIA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 59
The idea that the past could help us today is actually a heretical notion in the modern scientific literature. Modern science is grounded in the idea that the more mature a discipline, the less it pays attention to its past. It is only disciplines such as those in the humanities that look backwards for wisdom and insight; sciences only look forwards. As Alfred North Whitehead (1929, p. 162) argued: ‘A science that hesitates to forget its founders is lost.’ The working hypothesis is that if an idea from the past is any good, it is embodied in the common scientific wisdom that current practitioners have as background when starting their investigation into the new.
Nota - Posizione 61
WHIG
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 69
affairs.The smooth evolution of economic thought from falsehood to truth that underlies the Whig perspective is complicated by both historical circumstances and the intimate relationship between economics and politics that follows from the attraction of public policy for those who enter the discipline.
Nota - Posizione 71
COMPLICAZIONI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 78
2. Does economics have a useful past?
Nota - Posizione 78
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 85
The underlying logic is that the history of ideas is incapable of affecting current scientific progress and modern aspiring economists have too many other important things to learn during their graduate training.
Nota - Posizione 87
LA STORIA NN CONTA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 89
‘one need not read in the history of economics— that is, past economics— to master present economics’.
Nota - Posizione 90
SLOGAN
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 97
this attitude is self-reinforcing within the economics profession. The incentive system in competitive scientific exploration ensures that the best and brightest analytical minds will steer clear of the history of ideas and focus instead on making contributions to current economic theory and empirical analysis.
Nota - Posizione 99
AUTORINFORZANTE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 121
Stigler argues that the history of thought helps us learn how to read and also how to react to what we read. But as we have seen, he argues that this method of learning may be too costly given the benefit;
Nota - Posizione 123
LA DIESA MINIMA DI STIGLER
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 124
Samuelson is more pro-active and argues that a programme for Whig history can be fulfilled through rational reconstruction of the best arguments from the past through the analytical lens of modern theory.
Nota - Posizione 125
LA DIFESA DI SAMUELSON
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 126
There is a certain logical consistency to the Samuelson– Stigler position, but it assumes that the market for ideas operates efficiently. But what if Kenneth Boulding (1971) is correct and the market for economic ideas does not operate as smoothly as assumed?
Nota - Posizione 127
L EFFICIENTISMO WHIG
Nota - Posizione 128
IPOTESI BOULDING
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 129
Economic ideas are prone to momentary political and intellectual fads and fashions. As much as we would like to delude ourselves into believing this, debates are not always determined in economics on the basis of logic and evidence. Sometimes positions are discarded due to their inconvenience for the moment.
Nota - Posizione 131
TESI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 134
Scientists cannot completely ignore philosophy, no matter how hard they would like to. As Daniel Dennett put it in Darwin’s Dangerous Idea (1995, p. 21), ‘Scientists sometimes deceive themselves into thinking that philosophical ideas are only, at best, decorations or parasitic commentaries on the hard, objective triumphs of science, and that they themselves are immune to the confusions that philosophers devote their lives to dissolving. But there is no such thing as philosophy-free science; there is only science whose philosophical baggage is taken on board without examination.’
Nota - Posizione 138
PHIL FREE SCIENCE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 155
If the Duhem– Quine thesis holds for physics, then it certainly holds for economics.
Nota - Posizione 156
DUHEM E METODOLOGIA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 159
All science is human science because only humans practise science
Nota - Posizione 159
SCIENZE UMANE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 163
Michael Polanyi (1962) argues that activity in the ‘republic of science’ is characterised by three forces that judge contributions: (i) the intrinsic interests of the scientific community; (ii) the plausibility of the results; and (iii) the creativity demonstrated by the scientist in posing a new question and providing a new answer or offering a new approach. The first two forces are ‘conservative’; the last is ‘revolutionary’.
Nota - Posizione 165
POLANYI E LA TEORIA VINCENTE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 167
The tug and pull of science is a lumpy, and not a smooth, process and this lumpiness leaves space for errors.This means that ideas that are thought to be dead may actually have much more to offer,
Nota - Posizione 168
LUMPY ERROR
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 173
The economic consideration of scientific processes is that scientists in physics, chemistry, biology, etc., let alone economics, are human actors; they are rational choosers. We pursue our goals as effectively as we can in our scientific endeavours in the same way as we do in our commercial behaviour. This does not rule out ‘truth seeking’ as a primary motivation in science, but it does mean that we have to recognise that scientists, like other actors we examine with the tools of economic reasoning, are rational choosers who are making choices against a background of constraints.There
Nota - Posizione 177
SCIENZIATO INTERESSATO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 207
We don’t just study the evolution of economic ideas to get a better grasp on current theory, as Schumpeter (1954, p. 4) could be interpreted as saying. 9 We certainly don’t study the history of economic thought only as a method of learning how to read and react to economic argument, as Stigler said. And it is an act of extreme hubris to suggest that the only way to treat older thinkers is to find in their work the models that present-day thinkers are working with, as Samuelson suggests. No, in Boulding’s argument we continue to read Adam Smith because Adam Smith’s ideas still have evolutionary potential for our efforts in contemporary theorising.
Nota - Posizione 212
PERCHÈ STUDIARE LA STORIA DELLE IDEE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 215
3. Does the past have a useful economics?
Nota - Posizione 215
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 217
The bottom line is that there are opportunity costs associated with studying the history of ideas in economics, and it would be foolish for anyone to deny that.
Nota - Posizione 218
OPPORRUNITY COST
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 243
Ideas cannot be treated as disembodied entities to be assessed coldly, but instead should be treated as products of a specific discourse in time and place.
Nota - Posizione 244
CONTESTUALIZZARE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 279
4. When history and practice collide
Nota - Posizione 279
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 284
to.You have to have a basic disciplinary competence to assess economic arguments. Great writing, deep historical knowledge and philosophical sophistication, in the end, do not, and cannot, substitute for the ability to understand and work through the logic of an economic argument. Unfortunately, those who possess that skill, Stigler contends, will find that (i) there are no professional rewards for treating the history of ideas seriously and (ii) will most likely be of the same mindset as their peers in the more mature disciplines. There is a problem of self-reinforcing outcome from this intellectual predicament.
Nota - Posizione 286
CONDIZIONE NECESSARIA: COMPET. TECNICA
Nota - Posizione 287
COSTO OPPORTUNITÀ
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 290
there is a sort of ‘path dependence’
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 294
A more subtle rendering of the problem of the endogenous past occurs when an idea or practice that is not as sound as one might like nevertheless becomes so widely utilised in the discipline and perhaps in the economy that it takes on a new meaning.
Nota - Posizione 295
DIFFUSIONE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 295
An example of this is the notion of GDP accounting. Simon Kuznets, one of the pioneers of national income accounting, expressed many times his concern with the misuse of this measure in public policy.
Nota - Posizione 297
PIL
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 301
Economists at the time, such as Mises and Hayek, were highly sceptical of efforts to measure aggregate economic performance with national income statistics.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 331
Boulding is the only major thinker of professional weight since 1950 to try to counter this self-reinforcing path of professional irrelevance for historians of economic thought.
Nota - Posizione 332
BOULDING
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 334
The title of his essay, ‘After Samuelson, Who Needs Adam Smith?’, suggested that he did not shy away from tackling the issue of the endogenous past head-on.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 345
5. Conclusion
Nota - Posizione 345
T

lunedì 19 settembre 2016

Ultras: un eccitante mondo di calci, pugni e testate

Nel suo saggio “Hooligans” Peter Leeson tenta di decifrare il fenomeno ultras osservandolo da un’angolazione originale.
Ecco la sua tesi di fondo:
… We model hooligans as persons who derive utility from conflict. Legal penalties for conflicting with non-hooligans drive hooligans to form a kind of “fight club” where they fight only one another…
I vero nemico del divertimento ultras è il sadico:
… it attracts ultra-violent persons we call “sadists.” If the proportion of fight-club members who are sadists grows sufficiently high, the fight club self-destructs…
L’arma che gli ultras utilizzano per emarginare i sadici sono i “codici d’onore”:
… Rules that regulate the form club conflict can take, but don’t eliminate conflict, can prevent the club from self-destructing even when populated exclusively by sadists…
Agli ultras piacciono le botte e le risse. La violenza non è per loro uno strumento ma l’oggetto del divertimento in sé.
… With hooligans things are different. Hooligans don’t conflict to get more of a contested resource. They conflict to conflict. For hooligans, fighting is a source of utility…
SOCC
C’è una differenza non da poco tra l’essere tifosi e l’essere ultras, per questi ultimi la partita è poco più che un pretesto:
… Hooligans are distinct from “ordinary” football fans who might occasionally drink too much and find themselves in altercations with the fans of opposing teams. The former persons see conflict with likeminded rival fans as one of their primary ends…
Nelle parole di un protagonista:
… “I go to a match for one reason only: the aggro [i.e., fighting] . . . . I get so much pleasure when I’m having aggro that I nearly wet my pants . . . I go all over the country looking for it . . . every night during the week we go around town looking for trouble”…
Gli ultras amano le risse ma hanno cura di evitare ferimenti gravi (cesserebbe il divertimento):
… However, they’re similar to most other people in that they don’t enjoy being seriously injured. Hooligans aren’t masochists. Hooligans are willing to subject themselves to a reasonably small probability of serious injury, which naturally attends any altercation…
Le curve hanno nomi pittoreschi e legati alla battaglia:
… hooligan firms include “The Red Army” (Manchester United), the “Headhunters” (Chelsea), “The Gooners” (Aresnal), the “United Service Crew” (Leed), the “Bushwhackers”… (Millwall), the “Blades Business Crew” (Sheffield United), and the “Inter City Firm” (West Ham United)…
A volte la rissa è pre-ordinata:
… to avoid legal trouble, rival hooligan firms sometimes prearrange meeting times and places to fight outside of football-related events…
rituali sono centrali nel conflitto fisico tra ultras e a volte arrivano addirittura a sostituirlo:
… many hooligan fights are ritualistic and non-violent (Marsh 1978a; Marsh et al. 1978). They involve verbal conflicts, such as taunting, name calling, and chasing. Even physically violent hooligan conflicts, which may involve punching, kicking, and weapons, rarely result in serious injuries…
SOCCER
Il rischio di tutto questo è quello di attrarre i sadici:
… Hooliganism is an activity known for violent conflict. It threatens to attract sadistic persons— persons who enjoy seriously injuring others in violent conflicts. Thus we would expect hooliganism to suffer from uncontrolled conflict and generate rampant serious injuries…
Queste persone sono una vera minaccia per il divertimento ultras:
… Sadists spoil the fight club and put all hooligans back “in the wild” where they’re unable to realize the gains from trade available from fighting one another. This reduces brawlers’ welfare. But it reduces sadists’ welfare too. Sadists prefer to seriously injure their opponents when they can. But short of that, they would rather fight persons who won’t prosecute them for assault than be unable to fight at all…
Per isolare i sadici si insiste su rituali e codici d’onore. Per esempio, si evita ogni aggressione ai tifosi ordinari:
… hooligans seek to fight other hooligans— not ordinary football fans or other members of the non-hooligan public, who are likely to bring them legal trouble…
Ci si posiziona solo in curva e si delimitano con cura le zone pericolose:
… hooligans have historically seated themselves in particular areas of football stadiums known to be inhabited by hooligans… seating areas immediately behind the goals… pubs… train station
Gli ultras hanno una loro uniformi al fine da non coinvolgere terzi nelle loro risse:
… Traditionally, hooligans have worn scarves around their wrists and shirts in their team’s colors and Doc Marten boots… members of the Chelsea Headhunters became known for wearing “Armani pullovers and other designer clothes” (Haley 2001). Other hooligans sport gear from CP Company, Paul & Shark, Ralph Lauren, Stone Island, and Versace (Thornton 2003)…
Se degli estranei entrano sul campo di battaglia si è tenuti ad arrestare il tafferuglio.
… When non-hooligans come into the danger area amidst a “fight-club” foray, hooligans may even cease fighting to avoid the legal repercussions…
Ci sono dei modi ben precisi per innescare un conflitto. Bisogna innanzitutto lanciare la sfida nelle forme previste. Un attacco proditorio sarebbe da codardi:
… Once a fellow “fight-club” member has been identified, to initiate a fight the hooligan code requires a clear challenge to be made and accepted by the rival hooligan( s)… Fight initiation may involve behavior as simple as staring intently at a rival hooligan without diverting one’s eyes, to name calling, chanting or singing threats or boasts, or, at matches, the invasion of rival hooligans’ seating area… rules of fight initiation prevent unanticipated physical attacks, such as “sucker punching,”
Esiste un diritto a declinare la sfida:
… hooligan rules for initiating fights permit hooligans who on a particular occasion aren’t up to a fight, perhaps because they’re severely outnumbered, physically weak, or suffering from some other circumstance that would render them less capable of more evenly defending themselves, to decline physical conflict
Si combatte a calci, pugni e testate, al massimo vengono ammessi solo oggetti reperiti casualmente sul posto durante lo scontro. No coltelli e altre armi.
… Most physical fights between hooligans are with fists and feet. However, certain weapons are also permitted… “Glasses and bottles are acceptable . . . anything you can get hold of, you know, a bar stool, ashtray, bottle, because they’ve got the same chance; but knives are out of order”… Everyday objects lying about in the space where a physical fight occurs are available to both adversaries…
Esistono convenzioni anche per dichiarare la fine dello scontro:
… A final rule of fighting is that a fight may be ended at any time by either fighter. According to the hooligan code, when a hooligan indicates that he’s had enough, the conflict must cease… segni di resa:  refraining from action, keeping quiet, looking down at the floor, and running…
SOCCERRR
Le regole si applicano mediante il meccanismo della reputazione (personale e della curva).
Chi non rispetta il codice è bollato come codardo e allontanato dai suoi stessi compagni poiché scredita tutto il gruppo.
… For example, the “Blades Business Crew” not only didn’t carry knives. They considered anyone who did carry them weak and cowardly and so ostracized them… “Bringing a Knife . . . by your own supporters sometimes it’s looked down on as being a form of, you know, cowardice”…
Per anticipare gli inconvenienti molte curve hanno complesse procedure di ammissione al gruppo:
… Indeed, to protect their reputations, hooligan firms are unlikely to admit simply anyone expressing an interest to join them. Rather, membership is restricted, requiring a lengthy process through which a would-be firm member must demonstrate his character to existing firm members…
Un altro mezzo per esaltare la reputazione è quello di dotarsi di una ferrea gerarchia: solo i migliori e i più corretti vanno avanti.

Oracles di Peter Leeson

Notebook per
Oracles
Peter Leeson
Citation (APA): Leeson, P. (2014). Oracles [Kindle Android version]. Retrieved from Amazon.com

Parte introduttiva
Nota - Posizione 3
un modo x coordinarsi
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 3
Oracles Rationality and Society 2014, Vol. 26( 2) 141– 169 © The Author( s) 2014 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/ journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/ 1043463113512997 rss.sagepub.com Peter T Leeson
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 5
oracles: media for divining answers to questions about the unknown.
Nota - Posizione 6
DEF
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 6
My theory explains oracles as institutional solutions to “lowgrade” interpersonal conflicts— petty grievances and frustrations resulting from perceptions or feelings of personal offense— that government is unable to resolve.
Nota - Posizione 7
TESI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 10
I consider a society of persons who rely exclusively on oracles to decide how to behave in situations of low-grade conflict: the Azande of Africa.
Nota - Posizione 11
AZANDE
Nota - Posizione 12
anche un pregiudizio crea conoscenza profonda... anche una strategia random il mondo dei diritti inapplicabili
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 16
ask it a yes-or-no question,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 19
Ndogo tribes of Sudan
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 23
seems unambiguously stupid. This article argues that it is not.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 26
beyond the state’s effective reach.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 27
individuals typically don’t, and can’t, have enforceable rights
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 30
randomizing strategies
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 31
coordinating individuals’ choices
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 32
rely exclusively on oracles
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 33
Azande
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 34
E.E. Evans-Pritchard’s
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 35
oracle called benge
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 39
mixed strategies
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 39
benge oracles are deeply trusted,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 40
correlated-equilibrium
Segnalibro - Posizione 40
Nota - Posizione 41
delphi come voce neutrale... importanza dell autorità oracolo e stress della scelta: random strategy come soluzione ottima schelling e la teoria dei punti focali superstizione come forma razionale di autogoverno
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 41
Oracles, superstition, and self-governance
Nota - Posizione 41
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 42
Iannaccone et al. (2011) consider how political rulers in ancient Greek city states used Delphi as a “neutral nexus”— a location and venue of political independence that helped rulers improve cooperation across their political economies.
Nota - Posizione 43
DELFI IANNACCONE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 44
Delphic Oracle as a means of assisting political rulers to commit to arbitrary actions that preserved status quo relationships between them.
Nota - Posizione 45
RANDOM OSTENTATO X NN CREARE RISENTIMENTI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 54
my analysis can be seen as building on an observation that Myerson (2009) makes in his appreciation of Thomas Schelling’s (1960) work. Though his paper isn’t about oracles, here Myerson notes the role that oracles could play in providing focal points for social coordination.
Nota - Posizione 56
PUNTI FOCALI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 65
Before moving to declare the persistence of objectively false beliefs proof of irrationality, the economics of superstition explores how superstitions might benefit the members of societies that adhere to them.
Nota - Posizione 66
ECONOMIA DELLA SUPERSTIZIONE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 100
A simple theory of oracles Unresolved conflict
Nota - Posizione 100
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 126
Resolving conflict through oracles
Nota - Posizione 127
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 128
Before choosing their strategies, players observe a public signal. This signal randomly assigns, or “recommends,” a strategy to each player. If no player wants to deviate from his signal-assigned strategy, supposing the others won’t deviate from theirs, the strategies chosen constitute a correlated equilibrium. We call this equilibrium “correlated” because the strategies that compose it aren’t chosen independently:
Nota - Posizione 131
DEF EQ. CORRELATO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 132
To see how oracles can create correlated equilibrium, suppose that before i and j decide how to cope with their conflict they consult a Magic 8 Ball. To use this oracle i and j ask it the following question: “Tell us, oh Magic 8 Ball, great one and infallible teller of eternal truths, is i’s (or j’s) animus toward j (or i) justified?” The die inside the 8 Ball has three sides. One of them reads “Yes. It is certainly true.” Another side reads: “No. It is certainly untrue.” The third side reads: “Ask again later.” The neighbors put their hands on the oracle and shake it together. They then turn it upside down to see what the oracle has divined. The neighbors believe the 8 Ball is infallible. They repose complete faith in its ability to get to the bottom of their conflict— i.e., to accurately identify which neighbor is in the wrong— and agree to condition their behavior toward the other on whatever it answers. If the 8 Ball answers “yes,” the neighbors agree that i’s animus is justified.
Nota - Posizione 139
UN CASO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 145
both neighbors following their oracle-assigned strategies is a correlated equilibrium.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 162
Oracles and the Azande
Nota - Posizione 162
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 162
The Azande is a tribe of one to four million persons who inhabit parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo, southern Sudan, and southeastern Central African Republic. The persons in this society put the theory of oracles developed above to good use.
Nota - Posizione 164
CHI SONO GLI AZANDE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 164
Between 1926 and 1930, anthropologist E.E. Evans-Pritchard lived among and closely studied the Zande people of Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. The British colonized these people in 1905. My discussion of Zande society, beliefs, and oracular usage is based on Evans-Pritchard’s (1937) detailed and lengthy account,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 171
Low-grade conflicts— the petty, passive, everyday sort that exist between neighbors arising out of feelings of jealously, envy, rivalry, and meanness— fell outside the formally governed arena.
Nota - Posizione 172
CONFLITTI INFORMALI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 184
In the daily tasks of life there is ample scope for friction. . . . Among his neighbours a man is sure to have both secret and open enemies. There may have been quarrels about cultivations and hunting areas. There may have been suspicions about designs on a wife. There may have been rivalry at dances. One may have uttered unguarded words which have been repeated by another. A man may have thought that a song referred to himself . . . . All unkind words and malicious actions and innuendoes are stored in the memory for retaliation.
Nota - Posizione 188
CONFLITTI DI CUI NN SI OCCUPA IL GOVERNO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 188
Azande who, according to Evans-Pritchard, are “extremely, almost morbidly, sensitive, touched to the quick by any unkindness, insult, humiliation or hostility” (EvansPritchard, 1929: 199). Indeed, “in all [Zande] economic and social pursuits there is opportunity for offence to be given and offence to be taken where none is meant”
Nota - Posizione 190
PERMALOSI
Nota - Posizione 194
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 194
Mangu
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 195
At the core of that system is a belief in witchcraft called mangu. According to Zande belief, witch-hood is a physiological condition. In the intestine of some people lies a substance that enables them to send out witchcraft against their enemies.
Nota - Posizione 197
STREGHE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 200
“Only in those areas of society which were left unstructured by the political system did men accuse each other of witchcraft” (Douglas, 1966: 128). Witchcraft suspicions and accusations are the means by which the Azande express low-grade conflicts with their neighbors that can’t be addressed through government.
Nota - Posizione 201
ANARCHIA
Nota - Posizione 202
LITE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 203
Witches may use witchcraft to injure their neighbors— the persons with whom they may find themselves in low-grade conflict— but not persons outside their communities
Nota - Posizione 204
UNA ROBA INTERNA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 205
Since most, if not virtually all, commoner Zande families have witches in them, and many of them are unaware of this fact, persons accused of witchcraft are neither maligned nor even looked on with askance for being witches per se.
Nota - Posizione 207
STREGHE INNOCENTI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 211
he or one of his family members becomes ill. This is when he becomes concerned with witches, who are undoubtedly responsible for his difficulty. And it’s at these times that he seeks to identify the offending witch so that he can command him to cease his injuries, which the unwitting witch will ordinarily do.
Nota - Posizione 213
FATTI. MALATTIA. RACCOLTO...
Nota - Posizione 215
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 215
Benge
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 215
To identify the witch offending him in such cases, a Zande consults an oracle called benge. Benge works as follows. Poison harvested from a special vine is fed to a fowl. The oracle consulter (or someone on his behalf) treats benge to “a speech of five or ten minutes” in which he “puts before the oracle every detail of the situation
Nota - Posizione 217
PROCEDURA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 218
The consulter then asks the oracle a yes-or-no question about whether some neighbor is bewitching him in whatever manner befits his recent misfortune. He shakes the fowl to ensure that it has swallowed the poison,
Nota - Posizione 220
C
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 222
As he shakes the fowl, the consulter addresses the oracle in the following way: “If [a neighbor’s name] is guilty of bewitching my [hunt, person, etc.], poison oracle kill the fowl. If [neighbor’s name] is innocent, poison oracle spare the fowl.”
Nota - Posizione 224
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 243
Since poorer persons and women have only indirect access to benge, it stands to reason that conflicts involving them are among those most likely to go unresolved as a result.
Nota - Posizione 244
DONNE E GIOVANI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 245
The name( s) a Zande oracle consulter puts before benge as a potential person bewitching him is not arbitrary. The reason for this is that the person( s) who he believes may be bewitching him is not arbitrary. “[ O] ne does not places names of people before the oracle in a haphazard manner. One selects only the names of those with whom one is on bad terms”
Nota - Posizione 248
IMPUTATO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 248
According to Zande belief, witchcraft is motivated by personal animus. “A witch attacks a man when motivated by hatred, envy, jealousy, and greed
Nota - Posizione 249
ODIO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 252
“It is thus clear that allegations of witchcraft reflect the nature of social relationships
Nota - Posizione 253
RELAZIONI SOCIALI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 255
Through benge an oracle consulter doesn’t seek to determine the culprits of such conflicts directly, however. He seeks to identify the witch behind his recent misfortune— the
Nota - Posizione 256
NESSUN COLPEVOLE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 260
The Azande consult their oracles with the assistance, or at least observance, of one or several trusted persons.
Nota - Posizione 260
TESTIMONI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 261
If the poison oracle “exonerates” the neighbor
Nota - Posizione 262
SENTENZA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 264
the consulter is likely to “warm” toward the former suspect, his animus now appearing to him unjustified.
Nota - Posizione 265
INNOCENZA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 266
If the poison oracle “convicts”
Nota - Posizione 266
COLPEVOLE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 272
“When he is informed that the oracles have declared that he has bewitched a certain man he says that he is very sorry and is totally ignorant of having done so, blows some water from his mouth in a sign of goodwill,” recalling or “cooling” his unwitting witchcraft against the consulter, “and the matter is closed”
Nota - Posizione 274
FORMULA DI RISPOSTA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 276
“demonstration of remorse” following the oracle’s declaration, “set these ill feelings to rights” (PetersGolden, 2008: 13).
Nota - Posizione 277
IL RIMORSO PUBBLICO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 277
Zande oracle effectiveness
Nota - Posizione 277
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 282
Optimal randomization
Nota - Posizione 282
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 282
If benge always vindicated the consulter’s animus or always vindicated his neighbor’s, one of the parties would be unwilling to abide by the poison oracle’s declarations.
Nota - Posizione 283
NECESSITÀ DEL RASNDOM
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 304
When a Zande consults benge regarding a particular person, he does so not once, but twice. The first oracular consultation is called bambata sima. The second is called gingo. “To obtain a conclusive answer the result of the first test has to be confirmed by feeding the poison to a second fowl. The
Nota - Posizione 307
DUE ORACOLI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 309
For example, if in bambata sima the oracle consulter inquires of the oracle in the following manner: “If [a neighbor’s name] is guilty of bewitching my [hunt, person, etc.], poison oracle kill the fowl. If [neighbor’s name] is innocent, poison oracle spare the fowl,” in gingo he must inquire of the oracle this way: “If [a neighbor’s name] is guilty of bewitching my [hunt, person, etc.], poison oracle spare the fowl.
Nota - Posizione 311
DOMANDE VINVERTITE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 338
Benge results support the argument that it tends to produce opposing results with 50 percent probability.
Nota - Posizione 339
50
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 341
Assuring conflict resolution
Nota - Posizione 341
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 344
The oracle declares one party’s animus justified in every case in which it declares the other party’s animus unjustified, and vice versa. This result is secured by the nature of the question an oracle consulter necessarily uses when inquiring of the oracle
Nota - Posizione 345
DECISIONE NETTA E NN INSOLUTA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 346
The oracle consulter must ask benge a yes-or-no question,
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 350
the consulter is justified in demanding an apology and recall of witchcraft from his neighbor, and his neighbor must apologize to the consulter and recall his witchcraft.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 353
when one neighbor apologizes to the other explicitly, the benge ritual requires the apologizer to display genuineness in asking for forgiveness. This helps ensure that through benge the conflict is indeed quashed.
Nota - Posizione 355
SCUSE FORMALI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 355
the phrases in which he is expected to express his regret are more or less stereotyped, and even the earnest and apologetic tone of voice in which he utters them is determined by tradition.
Nota - Posizione 357
RITUALE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 358
two neighbors in low-grade conflict could in principle simultaneously consult their oracles and each of their oracles could in principle vindicate their animus toward their neighbor by declaring that the other is bewitching him.
Nota - Posizione 360
SINCRONIA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 371
In benge we trust
Nota - Posizione 371
T
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 374
Fortunately for the Azande, faith in the fairness and infallibility of benge is universal and nearly perfect.
Nota - Posizione 375
FEDE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 380
As a consequence of this trust, “the judgments of benge are always accepted as final”
Nota - Posizione 380
INFALLIBILE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 384
“the normal reaction to the presentation of a hen’s wing” is “one of acquiescence in which assurances of goodwill take the place of any denial”
Nota - Posizione 385
ATTO DI PACE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 386
when the oracle says that he is killing a man by his witchcraft he is probably thankful for having been warned”
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 389
Neither party would contemplate behaving in a manner other than that directed by benge. And since benge always coordinates parties’ behaviors, conflict is resolved efficiently.
Nota - Posizione 390
COORDINAMENTO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 393
Concluding remarks
Nota - Posizione 393
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