Notebook per
There Ain't No Such Thing as Free Parking (Cato Unbound)
Citation (APA): Shoup, D., O'Toole, R., Ikeda, S., & Winston, C. (2011). There Ain't No Such Thing as Free Parking (Cato Unbound) [Kindle Android version]. Retrieved from Amazon.com
Lead Essay
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 56
Lead Essay Free Parking or Free Markets
Free Parking or Free Markets
Nota - Posizione 57
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 59
three reforms: First, adjust parking meter prices according to supply and demand. Second, return parking revenue to local communities for civic improvement. And third, remove minimum parking requirements that lock up useful land, lengthen commute times, and contribute to urban and suburban sprawl.
Nota - Posizione 61
RIFORME
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 64
Great Planning Disasters, Sir Peter Hall defined a great planning disaster as a planning process that costs a lot of money and has gone seriously wrong. Urban renewal and high-rise public housing are classic examples.
Nota - Posizione 65
PLAN DISASTER
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 70
recommend in the book: (1) setting the right, demand-based price for curb parking, (2) returning the parking revenue to pay for local public services, and (3) removing minimum parking requirements. The High Cost of Free Parking
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 71
1. SET THE RIGHT PRICE FOR CURB PARKING
Nota - Posizione 72
SOTTOTITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 74
Sixteen studies conducted between 1927 and 2001 found that, on average, 30 percent of the cars in congested traffic were cruising for parking.
Nota - Posizione 75
30%
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 79
In another study, observers found the average time to find a curb space on 15 blocks in the Upper West Side of Manhattan was 3.1 minutes and the average cruising distance was 0.37 miles.
Nota - Posizione 81
3 MINUTI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 83
Free curb parking in a congested city gives a small, temporary benefit to a few drivers who happen to be lucky on a particular day, but it creates large social costs for everyone else every day. To manage curb parking and avoid the problems caused by cruising, some cities have begun to adjust their curb parking prices by location and time of day to produce an 85 percent occupancy rate for curb parking, which corresponds to one vacant space on a typical block with eight curb spaces. The price is too high if many spaces are vacant and too low if no spaces are vacant. But if one or two spaces are vacant on a block and drivers can reliably find open curb spaces at their destinations, the price is just right. We can call this the Goldilocks principle of parking prices.
Nota - Posizione 86
CURBE PARKING
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 94
San Francisco has embarked on an ambitious program, called SF, to get the prices of curb parking right. The city is installing meters that can charge variable prices and sensors that can report the occupancy of each space in real time.
Nota - Posizione 96
FRISCO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 108
Beyond managing the curb parking supply, SF park can depoliticize parking by stating a clear principle for setting the prices for curb spaces: the lowest prices the city can charge without creating a parking shortage.
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 115
If the Price Is Right, Customers Will Come
Nota - Posizione 115
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 118
If the meters are priced right, cars will fill most of the curb spaces, leaving only one or two vacant spaces on each block.
Nota - Posizione 119
SPAZI LIBERI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 129
Both common sense and empirical research suggest that performance-priced curb parking will motivate more people to carpool, because carpoolers can share the cost of parking while a solo driver pays the full cost.
Nota - Posizione 131
CARPOOLING
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 141
The reduction in traffic will come not from fewer vehicle trips but from shorter vehicle trips.
Nota - Posizione 142
DA DOVE VIENE LA RIDUZIONE DEL TRAFFICO?
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 145
2. RETURN PARKING REVENUE TO PAY FOR LOCAL PUBLIC SERVICES
Nota - Posizione 145
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 151
Old Pasadena
Nota - Posizione 151
SOTTOTITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 152
Old Pasadena, a historic business district in Pasadena, California, is the leading example of a battered area that dramatically improved after the city used parking meter revenue to finance added public services.
Nota - Posizione 154
PASADENA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 159
Redwood City
Nota - Posizione 159
TITOLO. ALTRO ESEMPIO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 165
When Redwood City began to charge performance prices for curb parking, it also removed the time restrictions at meters, and this has been the program's most popular feature.
Nota - Posizione 166
TEMPO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 167
Removing time limits for curb parking is especially important if meters operate in the evening.
Nota - Posizione 168
SERA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 173
3. REMOVE MINIMUM PARKING REQUIREMENTS
Nota - Posizione 173
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 174
Reform is not only adopting good policies but also repealing bad policies. Requiring all buildings to provide ample parking is one such bad policy that cities should repeal.
Nota - Posizione 175
RICHIEDERE PARCHEGGI AI CONDOMINI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 176
Requiring ample parking does give us all the free parking we want, but it also distorts transportation choices, debases urban design, damages the economy, and degrades the environment.
Nota - Posizione 177
INCONV
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 178
First, parking requirements prevent infill redevelopment on small lots,
Nota - Posizione 178
SMALL LOTS
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 179
Second, parking requirements prevent new uses for many older buildings that lack the parking spaces required for the new uses.
Nota - Posizione 180
OLDER
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 183
Some of the reasons given for removing parking requirements are "to promote the creation of downtown apartments" (Greenfield, Massachusetts), "to see more affordable housing" (Miami), "to meet the needs of smaller businesses" (Muskegon, Michigan), "to give business owners more flexibility while creating a vibrant downtown" (Sandpoint, Idaho), and "to prevent ugly, auto-oriented townhouses" (Seattle).
Nota - Posizione 185
RAGIONI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 191
An Example from Downtown Los Angeles
Nota - Posizione 191
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 207
Deregulating both the quantity and the location of parking for the new housing was a key factor in restoring and converting the 56 office buildings Manville studied.
Nota - Posizione 208
MANVILLE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 223
An Example from Silicon Valley
Nota - Posizione 223
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 225
The area required for parking at a restaurant, for example, is more than eight times larger than the dining area in the restaurant itself.
Nota - Posizione 226
RISTORANTI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 264
A LOVE AFFAIR OR AN ARRANGED MARRIAGE?
Nota - Posizione 265
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 265
Some people assume that America has a freely chosen love affair with the car. I think it was really an arranged marriage.
Nota - Posizione 266
SCELTA DELL AUTO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 276
Cities respond to increasing vehicle travel by increasing their parking requirements, and when citizens then object to traffic congestion, cities respond by restricting development density and requiring even more parking.
Nota - Posizione 277
ORTODOSSIA
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 287
A QUIET REVOLUTION IN PARKING POLICIES
Nota - Posizione 287
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 289
The profession's commitment to minimum parking requirements seems to be a classic example of groupthink, which Yale professor of psychology Irving Janis defined as "a mode of thinking that people engage in when they are deeply involved in a cohesive in-group, when the members' striving for unanimity overrides their motivation to realistically appraise alternative courses of action."[3]
Nota - Posizione 292
GROUPTHINK
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 296
Requiring Peter to pay for Paul's parking, and Paul to pay for Peter's parking, was a bad idea.
Nota - Posizione 296
BAD IDEA
Using Markets to Enhance Mobility
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 331
Using Markets to Enhance Mobility
Nota - Posizione 331
RONALD O TOOLE
The Conversation
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 555
The Conversation
Who Should Pay for Parking?
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 556
Who Should Pay for Parking?
Nota - Posizione 556
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 560
I, an urban planner, strongly criticized cities' requirements for off-street parking while O'Toole, a libertarian, said the requirements don't do any harm. I advocated fair market prices for on-street parking, while O'Toole downplayed the problems caused by free curb parking.
Nota - Posizione 561
REGOLAMENTAZIONE PARCHEGGI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 566
Restrictions on Parking?
Nota - Posizione 566
TITOLO. SOSPETTO: PIANIFICARE MENO PARCHEGGI X AVERE MENO MACCHINE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 571
The suspicion that feral planners are conspiring to restrict parking has a long history. In his famous 1997 article on "Cars and Their Enemies," the eminent political scientist James Q. Wilson mentioned parking four times, and all his comments are about restrictions: "heavy restrictions on downtown parking," "restrict parking spaces," "parking restrictions," and "higher parking charges."[1]
Nota - Posizione 574
LA COSPIRAZIONE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 575
American drivers park free at the end of 99 percent of their automobile trips.
Nota - Posizione 576
99%
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 579
For example, a large-scale econometric study found that minimum parking requirements significantly increase the number of parking spaces in cities. Bowman Cutter, Sofia Franco, and Autumn DeWoody (2010)
Nota - Posizione 580
PARCHEGGI A VOLONTÀ
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 589
recent study in New York City also found that most developers build only the minimum number of parking spaces required by zoning. Simon McDonnell, Josiah Madar, and Vicki Been (2011)
Nota - Posizione 590
MAXMIN
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 594
Turning to Texas
Nota - Posizione 594
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 595
Randal O'Toole says, "To find out what cities would be like without minimum parking requirements, we must turn to Texas, where counties aren’t even allowed to zone, much less impose minimum parking requirements."
Nota - Posizione 596
TEXAS
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 596
However, even Houston, which does not have zoning, has minimum parking requirements, and they resemble the parking requirements in almost every other city in the United States.
Nota - Posizione 597
HOUSTON
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 599
Because minimum parking requirements are often the real limit to the density of development, Houston's parking requirements may help to explain a longstanding mystery in city planning: If Los Angeles has had zoning for a hundred years and Houston has never had zoning, why do they look the same?
Nota - Posizione 601
LOD ANGELES = HOUSTON
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 609
Off-street parking requirements that satisfy the peak demand for free parking are, in reality, free parking requirements.
Nota - Posizione 610
FREE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 616
Employer-paid Parking
Nota - Posizione 616
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 616
Drivers who think planners are conspiring against their cars somehow manage to ignore the parking subsidies right under their wheels.
Nota - Posizione 617
AUTO SISSIDIATE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 617
Consider, for example, employers in downtown Washington, D.C, who offer free parking for commuters.
Nota - Posizione 617
DATORI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 625
The Internal Revenue Code creates the incentive to offer free parking
Nota - Posizione 625
TASSE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 636
Parking cash out can eliminate this price distortion caused by employer-paid parking.
Nota - Posizione 637
DISTORSIONI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 648
Opposition from Both the Left and Right
Nota - Posizione 648
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 651
One group in San Francisco, the Act Now to Stop War and End Racism (ANSWER) Coalition, has strongly but unsuccessfully tried to block SF, which is the city's new policy of charging market prices for curb parking. One flyer proclaimed: park Stop the parking meter hike!
Nota - Posizione 654
SQUATTER
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 671
Drivers who don't want to pay for parking often push poor people out in front of them like human shields, claiming that charging for parking will hurt the poor.
Nota - Posizione 672
IL POVERO SCUDO UMANO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 675
Some opposition to performance parking prices may be due to unfamiliarity, and only experience will change minds.
Nota - Posizione 676
ABITUDINE
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 679
Persuading Both the Left and Right
Nota - Posizione 679
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 683
Niccolò Machiavelli wrote, There is nothing more difficult to take in hand, more perilous to conduct, or more uncertain in its success, than to take the lead in the introduction of a new order of things. Because the innovator has for enemies all those who have done well under the old conditions, and lukewarm defenders in those who may do well under the new.
Nota - Posizione 685
MACHIAVELLI E GLI INNOVATORI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 686
Paying for parking is a "grudge purchase"
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 719
I certainly agree with Sanford Ikeda's recommendation that neighborhoods should be able to spend their curb parking revenue on their highest priorities. Some people seem to think that parking meter revenue should go neither into the general fund nor back to the neighborhood but instead into a trust fund for motorists—for example, to build off-street parking garages.
Nota - Posizione 722
COME SPENDERE I FONDI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 724
Market Prices with or without Privatization
Nota - Posizione 724
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 726
Chicago privatized its parking meters and missed a great opportunity to make performance pricing a part of the deal. Chicago's primary goal for the concession contract was not to manage curb parking but "to maximize the amount of the upfront payment made for the Concession."[2]
Nota - Posizione 727
CHICAGO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 739
I agree with Cliff Winston's comment that privatized curb parking could result in monopolies that charge excessive prices.
Nota - Posizione 740
MONOPOLI
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 750
Parking around the World
Nota - Posizione 750
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 752
Even countries with low automobile ownership have chaotic parking problems, as suggested by this description of Mexico City:
Nota - Posizione 753
CITTÀ DEL MESSICO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 755
Crowded cities in India also have problems with sacred cars, although only 14 percent of households in India own a car, and ownership is concentrated among the relatively rich.
Nota - Posizione 756
INDIA
Further research is Needed to Advance the Conversation About Parking Charges
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 781
Further research is Needed to Advance the Conversation About Parking Charges
Nota - Posizione 781
TITOLO RISPOSTA
Best of the Blogs
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 787
Lewis McCrary comments at :The American Conservative
Nota - Posizione 788
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 791
National Review, Reihan Salam adds to the conservative praise for performance parking (adding a swipe or two at San Francisco):
Nota - Posizione 793
TITOLO
Evidenzia (giallo) - Posizione 798
Eliza Harris at My Urban Generation takes issue with some factual claims made by Randal O’Toole:
Nota - Posizione 799
TITOLO
