venerdì 10 febbraio 2017

The End of the World: The Science and Ethics of Human Extinction by John Leslie

The End of the World: The Science and Ethics of Human Extinction by John Leslie
You have 156 highlighted passages
You have 71 notes
Last annotated on February 10, 2017
INTRODUCTION The risk of extinctionRead more at location 251
Note: INTRO@@@@@@@@@@@@@@ Edit
Will the human race become extinct fairly shortly?Read more at location 251
The Introduction will give the book’s main arguments, particularly a ‘doomsday argument’Read more at location 252
Brandon Carter.Read more at location 253
Note: su Edit
the doomsday argument could do little to tell us how long humankind will survive. What it might indicate, though, is that the likelihood of Doom Soon is greater than we would otherwise think.Read more at location 255
Note: x CONSEG DELL APOCALISS Edit
CARTER’S DOOMSDAY ARGUMENTRead more at location 263
One of the doomed humans complains of his remarkable bad luck in being born so late. ‘There have been upward of fifteen thousand generations since the start of human history—yet here I am, in the one and only generation which will have no successors!’Read more at location 267
Note: x IL LAMENTO Edit
Isn’t there an absurdity in his reasoning?Read more at location 268
‘doomsday argument’.Read more at location 271
Note: ESPOSIZ Edit
Suppose that many thousand intelligent races, all of about the same size, had been more or less bound to evolve in our universe. We couldn’t at all expect to be in the very earliest, could we? Very similarly, it can seem, you and I couldn’t at all expect to find ourselves among the very first of many hundred billion humans—or of the many trillions in a human race which colonized its galaxy. We couldn’t at all expect to be in the first 0.1 per cent, let alone the first 0.001 per cent, of all humans who would ever have observed their positions in time.Read more at location 271
Note: x IMPROBABILE ESSERE TRA I PRIMISSIMI Edit
The doomsday argument aims to show that we ought to feel some reluctance to accept any theory which made us very exceptionally early among all humans who would ever have been born.Read more at location 281
Note: c PERCHÈ MAI DOVREMMO ESSERE TRA I PRIMISSIMI? Edit
Carter’s doomsday argument doesn’t generate any risk-estimates just by itself.Read more at location 287
It is an argument for revising the estimates which we generate when we consider various possible dangers.Read more at location 287
Note: BAYES. SI PARTE DALL IGNORANZA DI TUTTO. SAPPIAMO SOLO CHE LA POP ESPLODE Edit
THREATS TO THE SURVIVAL OF THE HUMAN RACERead more at location 289
Note: t Edit
probability that the human race will soon become extinctRead more at location 290
nuclear war or of pollution.Read more at location 291
even non-experts can see that the risks aren’t negligible.Read more at location 292
even if the ‘total risk’ (obtained by combining the individual risks) appeared to be fairly small, Carter’s doomsday argument could suggest that it should be re-evaluated as large.Read more at location 293
Note: x IL CONTRIB DEL DA Edit
Risks already well recognizedRead more at location 297
Note: tt Edit
Nuclear war.Read more at location 298
Note: t Edit
Small nations, terroristsRead more at location 298
rich criminalsRead more at location 299
Production costs are fallingRead more at location 299
Biological warfareRead more at location 302
Note: t Edit
terrorism or criminality.Read more at location 302
less costly, and with a field of destruction harder to limitRead more at location 303
Chemical warfareRead more at location 304
Note: t Edit
Destruction of the ozone layerRead more at location 304
Note: t Edit
Cancer runs riot?Read more at location 305
‘Greenhouse effect’:Read more at location 306
Note: t Edit
Poisoning by pollution.Read more at location 311
Note: t Edit
acid rain,Read more at location 311
Hundreds of new chemicals enter the environment each year. Their effects are often hard to predict.Read more at location 312
Who would have thought that the insecticide DDT would need to be bannedRead more at location 312
Disease.Read more at location 316
Note: t Edit
the Black Death of the Middle Ages,Read more at location 316
They can now spread world wide very quickly, thanks to air travel.Read more at location 317
Risks often unrecognizedRead more at location 319
Note: tt Edit
Volcanic eruptions.Read more at location 320
Note: t Edit
Sometimes blamed for the death of the dinosaurs.Read more at location 320
Eruption clouds might produce ‘volcanic winter’Read more at location 321
Hits by asteroids and comets.Read more at location 322
Note: t Edit
The death of the dinosaurs was very probably caused by an asteroid.Read more at location 322
You may be far more likely to be killed by a continent-destroying impact than to win a major lottery:Read more at location 322
estimated as 1 in 20,000.Read more at location 323
An extreme ice age due to passage through an interstellar cloud?Read more at location 325
A nearby supernova—Read more at location 328
stellar explosionRead more at location 328
Other massive astronomical explosionsRead more at location 329
produced when black holes complete their evaporationRead more at location 329
or by the merger of two black holesRead more at location 330
Essentially unpredictable breakdown of a complex system,Read more at location 330
Note: t Edit
investigated by ‘chaos theory’.Read more at location 331
Earth’s biosphere: its air, its soil, its water and its living things interact in highly intricate ways.Read more at location 331
Something-we-know-not-what.Read more at location 333
foolish to think we had foreseen all possible natural disasters.Read more at location 334
Group 2: Man-made disastersRead more at location 334
Note: tt Edit
Unwillingness to rear children?Read more at location 335
Note: t Edit
it may be hard to take seriously.Read more at location 336
A disaster from genetic engineering.Read more at location 337
a genetically engineered organism reproduces itself with immense efficiency, smothering everything?Read more at location 338
Note: BLOB Edit
organisms which invade the human body?Read more at location 339
A disaster from nanotechnology.Read more at location 348
Note: t Edit
Very tiny self-reproducing machines—theyRead more at location 348
‘gray goo’ calamity.Read more at location 349
Note: ROBOT REPLICANTI Edit
Disasters associated with computers.Read more at location 349
Computer-initiated nuclear war is the one most often discussed,Read more at location 350
breakdown of a computer network which had become vital to humanity’s day-to-day survival.Read more at location 350
unintendedRead more at location 352
deliberate planning by scientists who viewed the life and intelligence of advanced computers as superior—possiblyRead more at location 353
Some other disaster in a branch of technology, perhaps just agricultural, which had become crucial to human survival.Read more at location 358
Note: t Edit
Modern agriculture is dangerously dependent on polluting fertilizers and pesticides,Read more at location 359
any very complicated system,Read more at location 360
Note: ... Edit
might break down in an essentially unpredictable fashion.Read more at location 360
Production of a new Big Bang in the laboratory?Read more at location 362
Note: t Edit
the compression would indeed have to be tremendous, and a Bang engineered in this fashion would very probably expand into a space of its own.Read more at location 365
The possibility of producing an all-destroying phase transition,Read more at location 366
comparable to turning water into ice,Read more at location 367
Edward Farhi and Robert Jaffe suggested that physicists might produce ‘strange-quark matter’ of a kind which attracted ordinary matter, changing it into more of itself until the entire Earth had been converted (‘eaten’).Read more at location 367
Note: x ESEMPIO Edit
Annihilation by extraterrestrials,Read more at location 377
Note: t Edit
either deliberately orRead more at location 377
‘Great Silence’,Read more at location 380
several scientists have suggested that everyone is listening and nobody broadcasting, for fear of attracting hostile attention.Read more at location 381
Note: EXTRATERR PAUROSI E QUINDI OSTILI Edit
Risks from philosophyRead more at location 390
Note: tt Edit
Threats associated with religionsRead more at location 392
Note: t Edit
politician convinced that, no matter what anyone did, the world would end soon with a Day of Judgement.Read more at location 393
just as bad to choose somebody who felt that God would keep the world safe for us for ever,Read more at location 394
This isn’t an outright attack on religious world-modelsRead more at location 395
My Value and Existence was a lengthy defence of a neoplatonic picture of God as an abstract creative force,Read more at location 396
Schopenhauerian pessimism.Read more at location 402
Note: t Edit
Schopenhauer, who wrote that it would have been better if our planet had remained like the moon, a lifeless mass.Read more at location 404
Ethical relativism, emotivism, prescriptivism and other doctrinesRead more at location 405
Note: t Edit
deny that anything is really worth struggling for,Read more at location 406
Relativism maintains that, for example, burning people alive for fun is only bad relative to particular moral codes,Read more at location 407
Emotivism holds that to call burning people ‘really bad’ describes no fact about the practice of people-burning. Instead, it merely expresses real disgust,Read more at location 409
no fact.Read more at location 410
feeling of duty not to burn people results from ‘internalizing’ a system of socially prescribed rules.Read more at location 411
Note: SOGGETTIVISMO Edit
‘Negative utilitarianism’Read more at location 426
Note: t Edit
is concerned mainly or entirely with reducing evils rather than with maximizing goods.Read more at location 426
Now, there will be at least one miserable person per century, virtually inevitably, if the human race continues. It could seem noble to declare that such a person’s sufferings ‘shouldn’t be used to buy happiness for others’—and to draw the conclusion that the moral thing would be to stop producing children.Read more at location 427
Note: x CONTANO SOLO GLI ULTIMI. E AL GROSSO NN SI PENSA Edit
Some philosophers attach ethical weight only to people who are already aliveRead more at location 430
Note: t Edit
it wouldn’t be a duty to keep the human race in existenceRead more at location 431
Some philosophers speak of ‘inalienable rights’ which must always be respected, though this makes the heavens fallRead more at location 434
Note: t Edit
Prisoner’s dilemma.Read more at location 436
Note: t Edit
advantages of uncooperative behaviour should always dominate the reasoning of anyone who had no inclination to be self-sacrificing.Read more at location 439
annihilation of all life on Earth would be no great tragedy. Other intelligent beings would soon evolveRead more at location 442
Note: T OBIEZIONE COMUNE Edit
this overlooks the fact that we have precious little idea of how often intelligent life could be expectedRead more at location 443
It can seem unlikely that our galaxy already contains many technological civilizations, for, as Enrico Fermi noted,Read more at location 445
it could well be that in a few million years the human race will have colonized the entire galaxy, if it survives.Read more at location 447
return to Brandon Carter’s ‘doomsday argument’Read more at location 453
Note: t Edit
more dangerous than we’d otherwise have thought.Read more at location 454
we could hardly expect to be among the very earliest—among the first 0.01Read more at location 454
Note: L ARGOMENTO Edit
Now, suppose that you suddenly noticed all this. You should then be more inclined than before to forecast humankind’s imminent extinction.Read more at location 457
Carter’s reasoning provides us with additional groundsRead more at location 461
Note: ULTERIORE MOTIVO X AGGIUNGERE PAURA A PAURA Edit
DOOMSDAY AND THE ANTHROPIC PRINCIPLERead more at location 462
Note: t ALCUNE COSE SONO ECCEZIONALI ALTRE COMUNI Edit
The principle reminds us that observers, for instance humans, can find themselves only at places and times where intelligent life is possible.Read more at location 463
Note: x IL PRINCIPIO ANTROPICO Edit
help to persuade us that our position in space and in time is in fact unusual:Read more at location 468
There would be nowhere else where we could possibly find ourselves.Read more at location 481
the anthropic principle can at the same time discourage the belief that it is more rare and unusual than is neededRead more at location 482
In the New York Times, July 27, 1993, Gott reacts to some pointlessly aggressive criticisms by Eric Lerner. Lerner had held that he himself, for example, couldn’t usefully be treated as random. ‘This is surprising’, Gott comments, ‘since my paper had made a number of predictions that, when applied to him, all turned out to be correct, namely that it was likely that he was (1) in the middle 95 percent of the phone book; (2) not born on Jan. 1; (3) born in a country with a population larger than 6.3 million, and most important (4) not born among the last 2.5 percent of all human beings who will ever live (this is true because of the number of people already born since his birth). Mr. Lerner may be more random than he thinks.’Read more at location 494
Note: x ESEMPIO DO QUANTO SIAMO COMUNI Edit
Carter suggests, no observer should at all expect to find that he or she or it had come into existence very exceptionally early in the history of his, her or its species. It is this simple point which led first him and then Gott to the doomsday argument.Read more at location 512
Note: NN SIAMO RARI. NN SIAMO I PRIMI Edit
while everyone is inevitably unusual in many ways, that can be a poor excuse for looking on ourselves as highly extraordinaryRead more at location 517
(see Figure 1).Read more at location 521
IS THE DOOMSDAY ARGUMENT EASILY REFUTED?Read more at location 522
Note: t Edit
The argument is certainly controversial.Read more at location 524
I have managed to find only one good ground for doubtingRead more at location 525
Suppose that the cosmos is radically indeterministic, perhaps for reasons of quantum physics. Suppose also that the indeterminism is likely to influence how long the human race will survive. There then isn’t yet any relevant firm fact, ‘out there in the world’ and in theory predictable by anybody who knew enough about the present arrangement of the world’s particles, concerning how long it will survive—likeRead more at location 525
Note: x L OBIEZ ONDETERMINISTA Edit
Yet in order to run really smoothly, the doomsday argument does need the existence of a firm fact of this kind, I believe.Read more at location 530
Note: c Edit
For anyone who believes in radically indeterministic factors yet says that something ‘will very probably occur’ must mean that even those factors are unlikely to prevent its occurrence.Read more at location 532
Note: x RISPOSTA ALL INDET RADICALE Edit
doomsday argument has now been thought about rather hard by some rather good brains.Read more at location 536
If it did, then almost all ‘anthropic’ reasoning—reasoning which draws attention to when and where an observer could at all expect to be—would be in severe trouble.Read more at location 538
Note: x CONF AD VONFITA IL PRINCIPIO ANTROPICO E IL SOGGETTO Edit
Users of the anthropic principle therefore ask about an observer’s probable location in space and in time.Read more at location 540
Look at one very common criticism.Read more at location 545
Any people of a heavily populated far future are not alive yet. Hence we certainly cannot find ourselves among them, in the way that we could find ourselves in some heavily populated city rather than in a tiny village.Read more at location 545
Note: x OBIEZIONE SULLA CLASSE DI RIFERIMENTO. NN SI PUÒ PARLARE DI UOMINI CONSIDERANDO ANCHE CHI DEVE ANCORA ESISTERE. Edit
Imagine an experiment planned as follows. At some point in time, three humans would each be given an emerald. Several centuries afterwards, when a completely different set of humans was alive, five thousand humans would again each be given an emerald. Imagine next that you have yourself been given an emerald in the experiment. You have no knowledge, however, of whether your century is the earlier century in which just three people were to be in this situation, or the later century in which five thousand were to be in it. Do you say to yourself that if yours were the earlier century then the five thousand people wouldn’t be alive yet, and that therefore you’d have no chance of being among them? On this basis, do you conclude that you might just as well bet that you lived in the earlier century?Read more at location 556
Note: x L ESPERIMENTO DELLO SMERALDO Edit
SOME FURTHER EXAMPLES OF ATTEMPTED REFUTATIONSRead more at location 568
Note: t Edit
We should tend to distrust any theory which made us into very exceptionally early humans.’Read more at location 569
Note: Ripet tesi Edit
This is hardly a very difficultRead more at location 570
hundred criticisms.Read more at location 571
Here, then, is a quick introduction to various common objections,Read more at location 573
(a) Don’t object that your genes must surely be of a sort found only near the year 2000, and that in consequence you could exist only thereabouts.Read more at location 574
Note: x POTEVO NASCERE SOLO MEL 2000 Edit
what Carter is asking is how likely a human observer would be to find himself or herself near the year 2000 and hence with genes typical of that period.Read more at location 575
Note: x IL PROBLEMA È UN ALTRO Edit
(b) The doomsday argument is about probabilities. Suppose you know that your name is in a lottery urn, but not how many other names the urn contains. You estimate, however, that there’s a half chance that it contains a thousand names, and a half chance of its containing only ten. Your name then appears among the first three drawn from the urn. Don’t you have rather strong grounds for revising your estimate? Shouldn’t you now think it very improbable that there are another 997 names waiting to be drawn?Read more at location 583
Note: x L ANALOGIA DELLA LOTTERIA Edit
Don’t protest that your time of birth wasn’t decided with the help of an urn.Read more at location 587
Again, don’t be much impressed by the point that every lottery must be won by somebody or other.Read more at location 589
Suppose you see a hand of thirteen spades in a game with million-dollar stakes. Would you just say to yourself that thirteen spades was no more unlikely than any other hand of thirteen cards, and that any actual hand has always to be some hand or other? Mightn’t you much prefer to believe that there had been some cheating, if you’d started off by thinking that cheating was 50 per cent probable? Wouldn’t you prefer to believe it, even if you’d started off by thinking that its probability was only five per cent?Read more at location 590
Note: x ANALOGIA PER CONFUTARE IL #QUALCUNO DOVEVA VINCERE# Edit
(c) Don’t describe the doomsday argument as an attempt ‘to predict, from an armchair, that the humans of the future will be only about as numerous as those who have already been born’.Read more at location 593
Note: x ERRORE DA EVITARE Edit
The argument doesn’t deny that we might have excellent reasons for thinking that the human race would have an extremely long future,Read more at location 595
(If you begin by being virtually certain that an urn with your name in it contains a thousand names in total, and not just ten names, then you may remain fairly strongly convinced of it even after your name has appeared among the first three drawn from the urn. Still, you should be somewhat less convinced than you were before.)Read more at location 596
Note: x ANCORA TORNANDO ALL ANALOGIA DELL URNA Edit
(d) Don’t object that any Stone Age man, if using Carter’s reasoning, would have been led to the erroneous conclusion that the human race would end shortly.Read more at location 598
Note: x L ERRORE DELL UOMO PRIMITIVO Edit
it wouldn’t be a defect in probabilistic reasoning if it encouraged an erroneous conclusionRead more at location 601
(e) Don’t object that if the universe contained two human races, the one immensely long-lasting and galaxy-colonizing, and the other short-lasting, and if these had exactly the same population figures until, say, AD 2150, then finding yourself around AD 2000 could give you no clue as to which human race you were in.Read more at location 608
Note: x L ERRORE DELLE DUE RAZZE Edit
a human could greatly expect to be after AD 2150 in the long-lasting race—which you and I aren’t.Read more at location 611
Note: RISPOSTA Edit
there would be nothing automatically improbable in being in a short-lasting human race.Read more at location 614
(g) Don’t protest that we can make nothing but entirely arbitrary guesses about the probabilities of various figures for total human population, i.e. the number of all humans who will ever have been born.Read more at location 616
Note: x ERRORE DEGLI ANTOBAYES Edit
the doomsday argument, like any other argument about risks, can also take account of new evidence of efforts to reduce risks. Because it doesn’t generate risk-estimates just by itself, disregarding all actual experience, it is no message of despair.Read more at location 621
Note: x DOOM BAYES Edit

Vicini e Lontani

Se vi chiedessero di distinguere l’umanità in due categorie che criterio adottereste?
Io non ho dubbi: metterei i “Vicini” (V) da una parte e i “Lontani” (L) dall’altra.
Mi sembra la classificazione più significativa poiché identifica due stili di pensiero molto diversi e quasi sempre identificabili.
Peccato che la trovata non sia mia ma di due eminenti psicologi, Trope e Liberman (vedi la loro Construal-level theory of psychological distance). Personalmente li ho conosciuti grazie ad una serie di post sul blog di Robin Hanson.
Ma vediamo di dare un’idea di come pensano V e L. Scelgo giusto una quarantina di differenze tanto per farsi un'idea approssimativa (L ama molto le approssimazioni).
  1. V pensa al qui ed ora. L pensa al tempo x (di solito futuro anteriore o passato remoto).
  2. V pensa in termini di  “io” e  “noi”. L pensa in termini di “loro”.
  3. V pensa alle cose importanti. L è interessato alle cose poco importanti.
  4. V dice la sua quando ha molti elementi in mano. L anche quando ne ha pochissimi.
  5. V ama il caldo e il rosso. L ama il freddo e il blu.
  6. V ama il gusto e il tocco. L ama la vista e l’udito.
  7. V ama lo slang. L ama un linguaggio semplice e neutro.
  8. V è sensibile alla paura e alla tristezza. L alla vergogna e all’orgoglio.
  9. V pensa al sesso come tentazione. L come autocontrollo.
  10. V è conformista e supporta l’autorità. L punta sulla fiducia e supporta gli ultimi.
  11. V ha uno status umile e vuole agire per migliorarlo. L ha uno status alto e vuole contemplare per goderselo.
  12. V predilige l’analisi dettagliata dei casi concreti. L predilige le analogie creative.
  13. V è incerto. L ha fin troppa fiducia in sé.
  14. V crede nelle eccezioni alla regola. L nella regola.
  15. V è sensibile alle cose comuni. L è sensibile alle rarità.
  16. V è concreto. L è astratto.
  17. V contestualizza. L schematizza.
  18. V è dettagliato. L è grossolano.
  19. V accoglie senza difficoltà le caratteristiche accidentali di un fenomeno. L lega ogni tratto ad uno scopo.
  20. V ha categorie precise. L ha categorie vaghe.
  21. V è attento agli eventi familiari. L è attirato dalle curiosità.
  22. V tende ad andare d’accordo. L tende al disaccordo.
  23. V è attento al fattibile. L al rischioso.
  24. V è povero. L è ricco.
  25. somma le cose. L fa la media.
  26. V ama l’azione. L ama dormire.
  27. ordina. L ri-ordina.
  28. V è ansioso. L è felice.
  29. V fa affari. L fa la morale.
  30. V ha bisogno di credere. L convive bene anche con il dubbio e la probabilità.
  31. V bada al denaro e al comprare. L alla soddisfazione e a vendere.
  32. V è interessato al conflitto locale e ai mezzi per affrontarlo. L è interessato ai fini e ad una morale globale e simbolica.
  33. V ha motivazioni forti. L ha motivazioni deboli.
  34. V si associa. L si dissocia.
  35. V è comunitario. L individualista.
  36. V ha attrazioni fisiche. L ama.
  37. V si interessa al proprio prossimo. L a chi è distante.
  38. V è sensibile all’instabilità del piccolo gruppo. L alla stabilità del grande gruppo.
  39. V è donna. L è uomo.
***
Ora, l’importante non è tanto che queste differenze esistano, quanto che tendano a connettersi l’una con l’altra caratterizzando le persone in modo distinto.
… The fact that something happened long ago does not necessarily mean that it took place far away, that it occurred to a stranger, or that it is improbable. Nevertheless, as the research reviewed here demonstrates, there is marked commonality in the way people respond to the different distance dimensions. [Construal level theory] proposes that the commonality stems from the fact that responding to an event that is increasingly distant on any of those dimensions requires relying more on mental construal and less on direct experience of the event…
Non solo, le differenze vengono anche in qualche modo più o meno conscio riconosciute e utilizzate per muoversi in società.
Per esempio: se uso un linguaggio astratto mi colloco tra i potenti. Un impiegato, per esempio, anche in conseguenza a questo nesso, accetta il linguaggio astratto dei super-boss dell’azienda ma lo rifiuta nel piccolo boss che lo comanda direttamente. Noi stessi accettiamo il linguaggio vago dei politici ma lo rifiutiamo dalla moglie.
Altro esempio: è chiaro che se scrivo un post sulla Fine del Mondo o sugli Alieni Cattivi, mi pregiudico l’ audience femminile. Lo so in anticipo. Ma perché lo so con tanta sicumera? Semplice, perché apocalisse e pericolo alieno sono argomenti tipicamente “Far”, come direbbero gli psicologi, mentre le donne sono soggetti tipicamente “Near”.
Le varie dimensioni del Lontano e del Vicino sono evidentemente tenute insieme da una psicologia particolare che unisce tutti i Lontani (e i Vicini) separandoli in modo in qualche modo percepibile a tutti…
… [We show] that (a) the various distances are cognitively related to each other, such that thinking of an event as distant on one dimension leads one to thinking about it as distant on other dimensions, (b) the various distances influence and are influenced by level of mental construal, and (c) the various distances are, to some extent, interchangeable in their effects on prediction, preference, and self-control….
Evidentemente, questa distinzione ha una natura profonda
… It is worth noting that both collective and personal human development are associated with traversing increasingly greater distances. The turning points of human evolution include developing tools, which required planning for the future; making function-specific tools, which required considering hypothetical alternatives; developing consciousness, which enabled the recognition of distance and perspective taking; developing language, which enabled forming larger and more complex social groups and relations; and domestication of animals and plants, which required an extended temporal perspective. Human history is associated with expanding horizons: traversing greater spatial distances (e.g., discovering new continents, space travel), forming larger social groups (families vs. cities vs. states vs. global institutions), planning and investing in the more distant future, and reaching farther back into the past. Human development in the first years of life involves acquiring the ability to plan for the more distant future, consider possibilities that are nonpresent, relate to and take the perspective of more distant people (from self-centeredness to acknowledging others, from immediate social environment to larger social groups). Although the areas of evolution, history, and child development have different time scales, research in these domains seems to converge on the notion that transcending the present requires and is enabled by the human capacity for abstract mental representation…
I Lontani sono tipi essenziali per la creazione della nostra civiltà ma sono anche più ipocriti e soggetti a illusioni simboliche (l’ipocrisia è alla base della civiltà). Le loro lacune sono ben colmate dai Vicini. Stare insieme in modo equilibrato è essenziale per navigare in questo periglioso mare.
Pasquale-Martini__Uomo-donna-45_g

giovedì 9 febbraio 2017

Meglio l'elemosina

Christopher Blattman ha scritto un lavoro dal titolo goffo, del genere tanto amato dagli economisti: "Credit Constraints, Occupational Choice, and the Process of Development: Long Run Evidence from Cash Transfers in Uganda".
L'argomento di cui si occupa è invece molto interessante almeno per me: di fronte al bisognoso meglio elargire un’elemosina in denaro o aiutare in modo più specifico e concreto?
Studi del genere non stanno sulle generali ma fanno esperimenti mirati, le loro risposte sono dunque molto concrete ma non si sa fino a che punto estensibili.
In questo caso parliamo dell'Uganda, l'obbiettivo è quello di creare lavoro e accelerare il passaggio dall'agricoltura all'industria.
L'Uganda ha una popolazione molto giovane e molto povera. Il problema non è tanto la disoccupazione quanto la sotto-occupazione. In altre parole, la produttività è bassa e lavorare rende poco. Si lavora ma si resta poveri.
In casi del genere c'è una risposta standard elaborata dalla compagnia di giro degli aiuti internazionali: più istruzione...
... default answer seems to be “skills”. If you think these programs are worth doing, presumably it’s because you think (1) youth lack these skills, (2) they can’t otherwise get them, and (3) giving them these skills will produce high returns...
Eppure, l'evidenza sui programmi di avviamento al lavoro è piuttosto deprimente. Un pochino meglio fa la scolarizzazione primaria e secondaria. Ma poco (stipendi più alti del 10-15%).
Il fatto è che  impiantare una scuola comporta costi elevatissimi! Anche e soprattutto per questo, la soluzione tradizionale non sembra la migliore.
Quel che manca a questa gente è il capitale fisico per iniziare un'attività. In questo caso quel che serve loro è il contante per comprarlo.
Esistono già degli studi per l'Uganda che segnalano una resa migliore dell'aiuto sotto forma di trasferimento...
... Studies with existing farmers or businesspeople have seen returns of 40 to 80% a year on cash grants...
L'ipotesi della mancanza di capitale ha il pregio di coniugarsi con la teoria economica.
In quei paesi il sistema finanziario è depresso e difficilmente un povero troverà mai dei soldi in prestito per realizzare il suo progetto. In casi del genere, gli economisti parlano di "trappola della povertà"
Ma gli studi disponibili hanno un difetto: non riguardano i poveri veri e propri che noi abbiamo in testa, di solito sono focalizzati su piccole imprese già esistenti...
... The studies we have, however, overstate what we know. Most of it comes from Asia. Most of it looks at existing businesspeople and farmers only. So we don’t know a lot about giving cash to the very poor and unemployed,..
Occorreva qualcosa di diverso...
... We look at a large, randomized, relatively unconditional cash transfer program in Uganda, one the government designed to stimulate this kind of job growth and structural change... they [il governo ugandese] sent $10,000 to a group of 20 or so young people who applied for it. This is about $400 a person, equal to their annual incomes...
Trasferimenti di denaro non condizionati ed esperimenti aleatori (è il metodo con cui si testa l'efficacia dei farmaci).
Il fatto è che noi non ci fidiamo dei poveri.  Non pensiamo che possano spendere responsabilmente. Vorremmo aiutarli sì, ma anche legare loro le mani in qualche modo. Un atteggiamento del genere forse lede la dignità del povero, tuttavia è importante stabilire se nei fatti il diffidente ha qualche ragione dalla sua.
Lo studio ha seguito circa 2500 persone per 4 anni. Questo l'esito...
... Here’s the “surprise”: Most start new skilled trades like metalworking or tailoring. They increase their employment hours about 17%. Those new hours are spent in high-return activities, and so earnings rise nearly 50%, especially women’s. The people who do the best are those who had the least capital and credit to begin with– consistent with the idea that credit constraints are holding back youth. The more tightly coiled the spring, the bigger the bounce on release...
I buoni risultati si sono avuti specialmente con le donne.
Altri lavori che sembrano replicare bene lo studio sono usciti nel frattempo...
... Two weeks ago I put out a report with IPA on a different program in Uganda, with poor women only. their incomes doubled after getting small grants...
Le soluzioni alternative al semplice trasferimento incondizionato del contante vengono spesso giustificate con la necessità di stabilizzare il paese tramite forme di assicurazione sociale...
other belief many people hold dearly: Poor, unemployed men are more likely to fight, riot or rebel.... aid agencies routinely justify their employment programs on reducing social instability...
Tuttavia, anche considerando la stabilità sociale, non sembra che la dazione di denaro agisca meno efficacemente...
... Even though we see huge economic effects, we see almost no impact on cohesion, aggression, and collective action (peaceful or violent). If that’s true more broadly, we probably can’t justify all this public spending on the grounds of social stability...
Dobbiamo quindi dire basta alla formazione dei poveri? Non proprio.
Gli ugandesi hanno fatto bene anche perché hanno speso parte del loro tesoretto in formazione, solo che lo hanno fatto di loro iniziativa ed in modo mirato, secondo un progetto personale...
... Ugandan youth did well is that they invested some of their grants–maybe a third–in skills training. But mostly they invested the grant in tools...
La metafora della scarpa e delle stringhe è quella che spiega meglio...
... I used to think skills and capital were like right and left shoes: one’s not so useful without the other. Now I think of capital like the shoes and skills like the laces: if I have capital, i can jog a good pace, but I can’t really run unless I have the skills. But first I need the shoes...
Inutile insegnare l'asola a chi non ha nemmeno le scarpe. È inutile insegnare un lavoro se nessuno ti assumerà mai. I poveri non hanno imprese pronti ad assumerli una volta usciti da scuola.
Alcuni personaggi come Jennifer Lentfer sul blog di   Oxfam si sono meravigliati dell'attenzione e della sorpresa con cui sono stati accolti questi risultati, in fondo esisteva già un bel corpo di studi in merito!...
... She points to a wealth of evidence on conditional cash transfer programs–CCT...
Ma tutti questi studi si riferiscono a trasferimenti condizionati! Il beneficiario doveva mandare i figli a scuola, vaccinarli e bla bla bla.  Il puro e semplice cash transfert è molto meno studiato, gli studi ora disponibili sono una vera novità...
... Most of all, governments and NGOs want to give away cash on condition, or with lots of hands-on follow up or accountability, some of which is not very cost effective. We really don’t have much evidence at all on unconditional transfers. Here I expect a lot of skepticism from the aid community–well-deserved skepticism, at least until we have more studies...
Oltretutto, i precedenti studi, vincolando i trasferimenti, nulla ci dicono sulla loro allocazione naturale...
... What’s striking is that almost none of these CCT studies look to see whether the windfalls were invested in productive enterprise. At root are some of the deepest questions in development: What constrains entrepreneurship?...
Ma ricevere soldi in contanti ti dà una mano qui ed ora o ha un effetto duraturo?
Dagli studi in Uganda sappiamo che a distanza di 4 anni l'effetto perdura, in questo senso è più robusto rispetto ad un aiuto nella formazione al lavoro....
... increased their earnings on two- and four-year horizons, especially among women...  women who won money from the program had average earnings 84 percent higher than women who did not, after four years.... annualized return on the “investment” of the cash transfer worked out to a whopping 40 percent...
Ma guardiamo meglio ai beneficiari, si capiscono molte cose...
... Think about these young people: they have potential, they’re smart and they’re hard-working.... you need money to start making money...
Un ritrattino che si discosta parecchio da quello del "povero" alle nostre latitudini. Il barbone delle nostre città è spesso una persona psichicamente disturbata. In casi del genere la diffidenza è più giustificata.
Ma c'è di più: i beneficiari – anche se formalmente non vincolati – sono comunque soggetti ad una pressione sociale che li spinge ad investire i soldi ricevuti...
... People feel personal angst, or group angst and community obligation. Everyone knew they received this money, and that might have contributed to the participants spending it in a more forward-looking manner....
Considerato il rendimento, dare ai poveri è un ottimo investimento a medio-breve termine...
... This is a great short- and medium- term intervention. If participants get the capital, they can earn 40 or 50 or even 70 or 80 percent more per year. Those are great returns. Hedge fund managers would get very excited about that. But one fundamental development problem is that people don’t have access to loans at less than that rate of return...
Un sistema finanziario è lungo da costruire, il trasferimento dei contanti è una buona soluzione temporanea...
... If credit is cheaper, you don’t need to just hand out money. But that’s going to take a long time– decades. And in the meantime, this is a great program...
Si obbietta: ad un certo punto i beneficiati si scontreranno contro barriere insormontabili (infrastrutture scadenti, educazione precaria...). Le evidenze qui sono miste...
... We can hazard guesses. We have these studies on India, Sri Lanka and Ghana, where, in some sense, they’re doing Stage 2. They say: We have these existing entrepreneurs. What happens if we give them business skills training? Or more cash grants? What happens if we give them cheap credit? That’s where the literature has been. In general, results have been mixed.... I think we’re still figuring out what the barriers are to small-business growth. Capital is part of it. Training is part of it. But there doesn’t seem to be some solution that’s working everywhere really easily....
Detto questo, bisogna essere consapevoli che la semplice dazione non è la panacea. Forse si sta creando un po' troppo entusiasmo intorno a questa soluzione. Il messaggio deve essere chiaro: di fronte ai grandi fallimenti, la dazione fa un po' meglio ma soprattutto semplifica le procedure...
... First, the message can be misunderstood. It is not, “Cash transfers to the poor are a panacea.” More like, “They probably suck less than most of the other things we are doing.”...
Inoltre, la dazione funziona in alcuni casi e non in altri. Se il beneficiario è intraprendente e manca di tutto, la dazione è terribile nella sua efficacia.
Quasi sempre le barriere che incontrano i poveri riguardano la politica e solo a livello politico possono essere affrontate. In questo senso le riforme politiche restano di primaria importanza.
Alcune organizzazioni come GiveDirectly puntano molto sulla pura e semplice elemosina...
... Planet Money reporters David Kestenbaum and Jacob Goldstein went to Kenya to see the work of a charity called GiveDirectly in action. Instead of funding schools or wells or livestock, GiveDirectly has decided to just give money directly to the poor people who need it, and let them decide how to spend it. David and Jacob explain whether this method of charity works, and why some people think it’s a terrible idea...
I successi di GiveDirectly prevedono però anche altri ingredienti...
... wildly successful projects I studied gave other stuff, such as training or conditions or social pressure to invest. That probably mattered a lot, and we simply don’t know if pure cash will work as well...
In molti casi la ricetta funziona, ok. La cosa migliore è isolare le caratteristiche dei casi di successo.
Tanto per non scaldarsi troppo, ricordiamoci che la pura e semplice elemosina vince sulle alternative soprattutto per i suoi bassi costi di implementazione...
... “other stuff” being important. Except the “other stuff” often costs more than the cash. This is the big “cost” no one talks about: suppose a charity could give $2000 of stuff to one person, and help them become 200% richer or healthier than they were before. Is it possible I could spend $1000 each on two people, and help get them each get 150% ahead? Wouldn’t that be better? A lot of charities don’t like to think that way...
GiveDirectly ha una struttura leggerissima!
Malignamente, si potrebbe dire che anche per questo le ONLUS mostrano scetticismo a priori per questa soluzione.
Dobbiamo saperne di più, ma il mondo della beneficienza odia sperimentare sui poveri "misurando" i risultati. Un random trial implica confronti e quindi implica anche  “dare” a qualcuno e “non dare” a qualcun altro. Per molti cip’ è eticamente intollerabile. Ma qui si nasconde spesso un ipocrisia: i costosi progetti scolastici favoriti per esempio da molte organizzazioni filantropiche, proprio per la loro onerosità,  possono aiutare solo un numero ristretto di persone, l'unica differenza è che i "trascurati" in questo caso non sono tali per scelta esplicita, chi decide quei progetti non li vede nemmeno e quindi non ne è disturbato. Ma loro ci sono e continuano altrove con la loro vita miserabile!…
... I think humans feel like we owe something to the people we interact with, and pretty much nothing to those we do not. Without thinking about it,... randomized trials are helping drive a big, big change: those who help other people for a living are, for the first time, being forced to think about their top and their bottom lines...
La pressione della “soluzione elemosina pura e semplice” è oggi più forte: sempre più le ONLUS sono costrette a chiedersi "quanto spendiamo in amministrazione?". Una domanda che odiano farsi. Ma anche solo il tentativo di misurare i risultati ottenuti con i loro progetti è un passo avanti.
Kevin Starr e Laura Hattendorf sono due autorevoli figure che nutrono fieri dubbi sul cash transfert. Il loro lavoro suscita qualche considerazione.
Punto primo: vittoria! Il cash transefer è diventato finalmente un punto di riferimento per valutare più seriamente le alternative.
Secondo: hanno ragione. Esistono senz’altro programmi più efficienti dell’elemosina…
… from vaccines to election monitoring…
Oppure quei programmi che riguardano le riforme politiche.
Ma i programmi che si pongono di solito in concorrenza con la semplice elemosina vanno testati seriamente prima di proclamarne la superiorità, con esperimenti ripetibili. Al momento è raro trovarne…
… I’m more skeptical we’ll see better alternatives for pure poverty-alleviation…
Molte alternative sono trattamenti onerosi necessariamente concentrati su poche persone. L’elemosina, al contrario, è un programma facilmente estensibile ad una moltitudine di persone.
E per quanto riguarda le evidenze citate dai due studiosi…
… The evidence they cite in favor of cash points to peer reviewed randomized trials. The evidence on better performing programs point to… NGO home pages…
Interventi più specifici rispetto all’elemosina hanno ingenerato dei paradossi. Esempio…
… Many Western organizations give poor families livestock… Cows themselves usually cost no more than a few hundred dollars each, but delivering them -- targeting recipients, administering the donations, transporting the animals -- gets expensive… West Bengal, India, for example… Bandhan spends $331 to get $166 worth of local livestock…
Altro esempio in Rwanda
… In Rwanda, a study led by the economist Rosemary Rawlins found that the cost of donating a pregnant cow, with attendant training classes and support services, through the charity Heifer International can reach $3,000…
I soldi spesi per procurarsi e spedire a destinazione la vacca potevano essere consegnati al beneficiario.
La consegna dell’elemosina, già semplice di per sé, puo’ essere ulteriormente agevolata dalle nuove tecnologie
… The process of transferring cash, moreover, is only getting cheaper, thanks to the spread of technologies such as cell phones and satellite signals…
Un programma educativo o finanziario non potrà mai essere tanto snello!
Prendiamo il caso del microcredito
… typically lauded approaches to reducing poverty, such as educational and loan programs, are not so effective after all … One of the best examples is microloans, small, short-term loans to poor entrepreneurs. By opening up credit to people who were too poor to borrow from banks, the logic went, microfinance would give the poor the jump-start they needed to escape their plight. Beginning in the 1990s, the microcredit movement took the development world by storm, leading to a Nobel Peace Prize for the Bangladesh-based Grameen Bank in 2006. Yet a belated series of randomized trials has called the success of microloans into question. One example comes from the Indian nonprofit Spandana. Beginning in 2005, the group made loans of about $250 to hundreds of women in Hyderabad, India, at relatively low interest rates. The MIT economist Abhijit Banerjee and a number of collaborators worked with Spandana to evaluate the program’s performance over three years; they found no effect on education, health, poverty, or women’s empowerment. To be sure, people certainly benefit from access to credit; it helps them cope with crises and buy expensive things such as new roofs or farm equipment and pay for them over time. But as Banerjee concluded after reviewing an additional two decades’ worth of data on such loans, “there is no evidence of large sustained consumption or income gains as a result of access to microcredit.”…
Impiantare una banca, per quanto piccola, comporta enormi costi fissi. Quasi quanto una scuola.
Con questo non si vuole dire che il microcredito sia da accantonare. Le pratiche alternative all’elemosina non sono da accantonare ma da migliorare se vogliono competere seriamente con l’elemosina…
… microfinance, for example, finding ways of lending larger sums for longer periods at lower rates would surely make many businesses more sustainable and profitable…
La formazione al lavoro è stata per molti anni la via maestra. Lo slogan della “Labor Organization’s Start and Improve Your Business Program” era: “non dare il pesce ma insegna a pescare”. Uno slogan che noi alunni delle scuole d’occidente abbiamo imparato a memoria.
Ma la politica dietro questi slogan è stata di fatto un insuccesso
… Yet the results of teaching anything -- be it fishing or farming or word processing -- have been patchy at best. In 2012, the economists David McKenzie and Christopher Woodruff reviewed more than a dozen randomized trials in developing countries and concluded that training business owners had little lasting effect on their sales or profits…
D’altronde, se ai paesi interessati viene data una scelta democratica in termini di collettività, difficilmente sceglieranno di investire tutto sulle “skill”.
In Uganda parte dell’elemosina veniva spesa in formazione ma la parte più cospicua veniva spesa in capitale fisico, e la decisione, visto il rendimento, è a posteriori da giudicare saggia…
… over four years, the participants’ incomes rose by an average of roughly 40 percent…
La paura che i poveri sprechino le risorse date loro in gestione, semplicemente non trova conferma negli studi disponibili. E ormai ce ne sono diversi…
… Mexican families, Ghanaian farmers, Kenyan villagers, Malawian schoolgirls, and war-affected Ugandans -- all have been shown in randomized trials to benefit from cash transfers…
Anche l’orizzonte temporale è andato via via allargandosi…
… five years out in Sri Lanka, four years out in Uganda…
Julian Jamison e Margaret Sheridan hanno constatato che nemmeno nei casi estremi lo spreco è diffuso. Il loro contesto è quello dei tossici in Liberia
… In 2010–13, we gave unconditional grants of $200 to some of the least disciplined men to be found: drug addicts and petty criminals in the slums of Liberia. Bucking expectations, these recipients did not waste the money, instead spending the majority of the funds on basic necessities or starting their own businesses. If these men didn’t throw away free money, who would?…
Conclusione plausibile…
… Poor people don’t always make the best choices with their money, of course, but fears that they consistently waste it are simply not borne out in the available data…
Nemmeno la pigrizia ingenerata dai “soldi facilisembra una minaccia seria al progetto elemosine.
Certo, ci sono alcune categorie di poveri più affidabili
… small-business owners or underemployed youth with little access to hard capital…
L’esempio di quattro paesi
… entrepreneurs in Ghana and Sri Lanka have expanded their businesses, displaced women in Uganda have become traders and doubled their earnings, and farmers in Kenya have made home investments with high returns. In most of these experiments, people increased their future earning potential over the long term…
I poveri non mancano d’iniziativa, mancano di risorse. Ecco allora la domanda base che ogni benefattore deve farsi…
… With each dollar we spend, are we doing more good than the poor could do on their own with the same dollar?…
E’ una domanda che nel 2010–11 si è posta la “Association of Volunteers in International Service”, un’organizzazione cattolica impegnata nei paesi in via di sviluppo. Ecco l’esperimento messo in piedi per rispondere…
… To help 1,800 of the country’s poorest women become retailers and traders, the program had been providing each woman with a grant of $150, five days of business planning assistance and training, and follow-up visits from aid workers who offered supervision and advice. Altogether, the program cost nearly $700 for every impoverished woman it assisted. The organization, working with a team of researchers that included one of us (Blattman), decided to measure the impact of the program without its most expensive service: the follow-up visits. We found that such visits did increase the women’s profits yet cost more than twice the amount of the cash grant itself. In other words, the follow-up was far less effective per dollar than the grant and the training course…
Donare e controllare regolarmente rende meno che donare senza controlli. Questo il risultato.
Ma l’associazione, una volta verificato l’esito, ha deciso di non optare per l’alternativa migliore bensì di “snellire” i controlli, e forse per un breve tempo c’è anche riuscita. E’ un esito frequente: l’elemosina pura e semplice ci respinge. Ad ogni modo, è già importante che venga assunta a pietra di paragone.
Ci sono alcune situazioni concrete dove il cash transfer funziona meglio.
Primo: quando si è colpiti da una crisi improvvisa, per esempio…
… money transfers will likely prove most valuable in places where the population has been hit hard by unexpected crises…
Il caso del Sud Est asiatico colpito dallo tsunami è un esempio. Ma anche il caso dei paesi mediorientali invasi dai rifugiati siriani.
Secondo: quando la cultura del lavoro autonomo è diffusa…
… cash could also excel in places such as Ghana, Kenya, or Uganda -- reasonably stable, growing countries that happen to have few firms offering jobs and where most workers, by necessity, are self-employed…
In terzo luogo, registriamo che la forma di aiuto più efficace resta probabilmente la riforma della politica (ma qui i punti interrogativi sono tanti)…
… the forms of aid most likely to outperform cash will be those that address collective problems, or what economists term “public goods.”…
Oppure, la salute di base: abbiamo detto delle vaccinazioni, ma potremmo aggiungere misure sull’ acqua corrente, sullo sverminamento e sulle zanzariere.
Ecco un interessante esperimento in corso…
… One of us (Paul Niehaus), working with fellow economists Karthik Muralidharan and Sandip Sukhtankar, is currently conducting an unusual poll in rural Bihar, India. We are giving poor citizens a choice between two types of aid: the assistance provided by the government’s Public Distribution System, a venerable program of subsidized food delivery that consumes nearly one percent of India’s GDP, or cash transfers, calibrated to cost the government the same amount per family. Both forms of welfare have their advantages. Direct cash transfers bypass corrupt officials and crafty middlemen, whereas food transfers provide a more reliable form of insurance against rising food prices. The results are not yet in, but the experiment should provide a promising model for determining how to spend aid dollars in the future…
Uno dei mali dei paesi poveri è la corruzione. L’elemosina riesce ad aggirarla?
Direi che anche su questo punto l’elemosina batte le sue dirette concorrenti
… the evidence from countries that already use cash transfers on a massive scale is promising…  According to the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development, governments in the developing world already run cash-transfer programs that reach between 750 million and one billion people, whether by way of employment programs in India, pension funds in South Africa, or welfare schemes in Brazil… The worst fears surrounding them -- of fraud, corruption, and plain ineffectiveness -- have thus far not been realized…
E anche qui l’uso delle nuove tecnologie aiuta in particolare proprio la pratica dei trasferimenti in denaro… 
… In India, one of us (Niehaus), along with Muralidharan and Sukhtankar, recently worked with the government of the state of Andhra Pradesh to measure the effects of replacing paper money delivered through the mail to pensioners and workfare participants with digital payments using biometric authentication. We found that the new system both reduced theft and improved the speed and reliability of the payments…GiveDirectly (of which Niehaus is president) now delivers unconditional cash payments to thousands of extremely poor households in East Africa through accounts on their cell phones, all at a cost of less than ten cents per dollar donated…
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Ventidue modi per limitare il potere dei peggiori

Come arginare le pessime politiche prodotte dalle democrazie a suffragio universale? Ecco delle soluzioni, alcune storiche, altre più innovative.
  1. Federalismo competitivo. Mette le istituzioni in concorrenza tra loro e consente di "votare con i piedi".
  2. Check and balance. Divide il potere in modo da creare una sorta di controllo reciproco (tanto per dire: la “fiducia” del Parlamento al Governo tradisce il principio).
  3. Costituzionalismo. Un documento costituzionale delimita a priori l'intervento politico.
  4. Common law. Il precedente giurisprudenziale ha forza di legge.
  5. Supermaggioranze. Più difficile approvare una legge che abrogarla.
  6. Disobbedienza civile. Dare più spazio all'obiezione di coscienza.
  7. Speculocrazia. Si vota sui valori, si scommette sulle credenze.
  8. Epistemocrazia. Suffragio limitato a chi supera certi esami.
  9. Demarchia. Possibilità di fare solo leggi astratte (in cui il soggetto sia solo il cittadino senza ulteriori caratterizzazioni).
  10. Mercati aperti. I mercati internazionali controllano l’operato dei politici attraverso la speculazione.
  11. Democrazia delle aste. Si vota con premi per chi soccombe e costi per chi prevale (vedi i casi nimby).
  12. Conflitto d'interessi. Togliere il voto ai dipendenti pubblici e ai fornitori della p.a.
  13. Voto negoziabile.
  14. Lobby. Più peso per le élite economica.
  15. Minimalismo. Pochi rappresentanti (una decina) facilmente controllabili.
  16. Secessione regolata. Possibilità di secedere.
  17. Voto incrociato. Una regione vota le leggi di spesa dell'altra e viceversa.
  18. Camera del no. Una camera con l'unica funzione di abrogare leggi.
  19. Legislatura del no. Una legislatura ogni tre che può solo abrogare leggi.
  20. Meno elezioni. Una legislatura ogni 10 anni.
  21. Kilovoto. Pagare per far pesare di più il proprio voto.
  22. Voto quadratico. I voti sono gratis fino ad un certo numero, poi si pagano con tariffe che crescono esponenzialmente.
  23. Dare peso all'astensioneun parlamento eletto con un’astensione superiore all’ X%, oltre a dover rispettare il solito pareggio di bilancio, non potrà alzare il budget che eredita.
  24. continua