lunedì 7 marzo 2016

4 PT 2 THE STRAUSS PROBLEM - Philosophy Between the Lines: The Lost History of Esoteric Writing by Arthur M. Melzer

THE STRAUSS PROBLEMRead more at location 2222
Note: PT 2 @@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@ Edit #nobilebugia @silenziodivino @anacronismobias #difesadelrazionalismo
one certainly does not have to be a Straussian, even a fellow traveler, to believe in the reality of esotericRead more at location 2223
Note: UNA REALTÀ INNEGABILE Edit
his mysterious obsession with secrets and lies,Read more at location 2235
Note: SEGRETI E BUGIE Edit
There is a single, unified purpose—a project—that he pursued throughout his career and in all his farflung researches, from Plato, Thucydides, and Aristophanes, to Alfarabi, Maimonides, and Marsilius, to Spinoza, Burke, and Heidegger.Read more at location 2237
Note: IL PROGETTO Edit
the highest subject of “political philosophy” is not, as we today would assume, the political life. On the contrary: The highest subject of political philosophy is the philosophic life: philosophy—not as a teaching or as a body of knowledge, but as a way of life—offers, as it were, the solution to the problem that keeps political life in motion.Read more at location 2243
Note: LO SCOPO DELLA FILOSOFIA Edit
Strauss’s esoteric reading of works like the Republic—aRead more at location 2248
Note: REPUBBLICA PLATONE Edit
my point: the radical subordination of politics to philosophy is one of the most distinctive and defining themes of Strauss’s thought.Read more at location 2252
Note: POLITICA E FILOSOFIA IN STRAUSS Edit
in his view, the truest purpose of esotericism, which is found in its highest form in Plato, is precisely to separate philosophy and politics, theory and praxis—to insulate each from the other,Read more at location 2256
Note: LO SCOPO DI STRAUSS Edit
the improper relation of theory and praxis,Read more at location 2258
Note: IL PERICOLO PER STRAUSS Edit
which eventually deforms each, producing ideologized politics and politicized philosophy.Read more at location 2259
Plato composed his writings in such a way as to prevent for all time their use as authoritative texts. . . . His teaching can never become the subject of indoctrination. In the last analysis, his writings cannot be used for any purpose other than for philosophizing.Read more at location 2261
Note: LA VIRTÙ DI PLATONE Edit
Of course, even philosophers have to live in political communities, and thus, as a citizen, Strauss had serious political concerns and opinions—primarily conservative—which he expressed sparingly, but forcefully. But they were not the subject of his guiding intellectual project,Read more at location 2265
Note: OPINIONI POLITICHE DI STRAUSS Edit
he wrote about fifteen books and not a single one of them was about the contemporary political scene and what should be done.Read more at location 2268
The starting point of Strauss’s path of thought was the observation that in our time the whole legitimacy of western science, philosophy, and rationalism was being radically challenged—and at the hands of two opposite but mutually reinforcing movements: the “postmodern” force of historicism or cultural relativism and the ancient force of religious orthodoxy, now newly emboldened by reason’s self-destruction.Read more at location 2273
Note: IL PROGETTO POLITICO DI STRAUSS Edit
esotericism (in its classical form) argues for the inherent and inescapable tension between reason and society. As such, it constitutes a critique of the historicist assumption of their underlying unity, of the inherent subordination of reason to society and its fundamental commitments.Read more at location 2283
Note: ESOTERISMO VS STORICISMO Edit
Strauss is so “obsessed” with esotericism, in sum, because he is engaged in the philosophical project of defending rationalism,Read more at location 2286
Note: DIFESA DELLA RAGIONE Edit
THE SCHOLARLY MISGIVINGS ABOUT ESOTERICISMRead more at location 2294
There is first of all the vexing question of exactly how one is to read a text between the lines.Read more at location 2295
Note: COME LEGGERE I TESTI ESOTERICI Edit
by continuing our reliance, where possible, upon the explicit testimony of past writers and readers.Read more at location 2298
Note: LA TESTIMONIANZA Edit
By freeing readers from the literal meaning of the text, it exposes them to various inevitable temptations and corruptions. It will open the door to Sabine’s “perverse ingenuity.”Read more at location 2306
Note: UN RISCHIO Edit
proliferation of nonliteral interpretive approaches: Hegelian, Marxist, Freudian, Jungian, structuralist, poststructuralist, feminist, deconstructive, new historicist, and so forth.Read more at location 2313
Note: ESOTERISMO IN BUONA COMPAGNIA Edit
There is also another important way in which, from the standpoint of these criteria of certainty and scholarly sobriety, the theory of esotericism is superior to its rivals: it is not simply rooted in theory. It—and it alone—is susceptible of empirical proof.Read more at location 2323
Note: SUPERIORITÀ DELL ESOTERISMO Edit
Here is a statement by Rousseau, for example, expressly telling us how he wrote—Read more at location 2327
Note: ESEMPI. ROUSSAU Edit
the interpretation of this work of Rousseau’s, the esoteric method is absolutely proper and necessary. This conclusion is not based on abstract literary theory; it is Rousseau’s own explicit assertionRead more at location 2340
There is only one nonliteral hermeneutical theory that preexists this period—Read more at location 2363
Note: UNICITÀ DELL ESOTERISMO Edit
OF RESISTANCE AND BLINDNESSRead more at location 2366
the question before us is not whether we like the practice of esotericism (still less whether we like Leo Strauss or his students) but simply whether, in fact, it is real.Read more at location 2370
Note: ANCHE ACCETTANDO L OBIEZIONE DELL IMPOSSIBILITÀ INTERPRETATIVA Edit
We abhor slavery but do not deny that it ever existed.Read more at location 2376
Note: ANALOGIA CON LA SCHIAVITÙ Edit
The cure, then, to the problem of blindness and ethnocentrism is again a greater knowledge of ourselves in our uniqueness,Read more at location 2387
Note: LA CURA CONTRO LA CECITÀ Edit
THE INEGALITARIANISM OF THE OLD WORLDRead more at location 2390
Note: ELITISMO ED ESOTERISMO Edit
We naturally incline to dismiss the whole theory of esotericism as impossibly arrogant and elitist. But of course, only a few short centuries ago, all the world was ruled by monarchs and aristocrats. Most of the philosophers, too, held that the best form of government was some sort of aristocracy.Read more at location 2396
Note: ARISTOCRAZIA Edit
egalitarian societies incline to misunderstand themselves: they systematically underestimate their own egalitarianism. Thus, they underestimate, in particular, how utterly different all their perceptions and sensibilities have become from those of earlier, nonegalitarian ages.Read more at location 2403
Pierre Charron does not hesitate to assert that a wise man “is as far above the common sort of men as a common man is above the beasts.”Read more at location 2410
Note: IL SAGGIO Edit
“To speak of the people,” remarks Guicciardini, “is really to speak of a mad animal, gorged with a thousand and one errors and confusions, devoid of taste, of pleasure, of stability.Read more at location 2411
Note: GUICCIARDINI Edit
Spinoza speaks of “the masses whose intellect is not capable of perceiving things clearlyRead more at location 2414
Note: SPINOZA Edit
Cicero goes so far as to claim that the very faculty of reason is “disastrous to the many and wholesome to but few.”Read more at location 2416
Note: CICERONE Edit
According to Montaigne, “Aristo of Chios had reason to say long ago that philosophers harmed their listeners, inasmuch as most souls are not fit to profit by such instruction.Read more at location 2418
Note: MONTAIGNE Edit
Galen, the Greek physician and philosopher, wrote: “My discourse in this book is not for all people;Read more at location 2420
Note: GALENO Edit
Maimonides declares in the introduction to the Guide of the Perplexed that he “could find no other device by which to teach a demonstrated truth other than by giving satisfaction to a single virtuous manRead more at location 2422
Note: MAIMONIDE Edit
Horace: “I loathe the mob impure and forbid it place. Let tongues be silent!”Read more at location 2425
Note: ORAZIO Edit
Seneca quotes Epicurus as having said: “I have never wished to cater to the people; for what I know they do not approve, and what they approve I do not know.”Read more at location 2428
Note: SENECA ED EPICURO Edit
La Mettrie expresses a similar attitude: Whatever may be my speculation in the quiet of my study, my practice in society is quite different.Read more at location 2431
Note: LA METTRIE Edit
Nietzsche translates these observations into a crucial—but counterintuitive—generalization about writing: On the question of being understandable—One does not only wish to be understood when one writes; one wishes just as surely not to be understood.Read more at location 2436
Note: NIETZSCHE Edit
it should also be pointed out that three of the four motives for esotericism—the desire to escape persecution, promote political change, and teach in a Socratic way—can all be defended in essentially egalitarian terms.Read more at location 2457
Note: ELITISMO NN SEMPRE NECESSARIO Edit
THE NORMALITY AND UBIQUITY OF SECRECYRead more at location 2459
Note: SEGRETO Edit
It is almost beyond our capacity to comprehend that in many earlier societies, indeed in much of contemporary India and Japan, husbands and wives, parents and children can pass their whole lives without ever once openly saying: I love you.Read more at location 2475
Note: IL SEGRETO DEL "TI AMO" Edit
In a traditional society, after all, the highest knowledge both concerns and derives from the divine, and such sacred knowledge is not to be profaned by being disclosed to the unworthy.Read more at location 2481
Note: CONOSCENZA E DIVINITÀ Edit
“one reason often adduced for secrecy by Pueblo leaders is that religious ceremonies lose their power if they are known by the wrong people.Read more at location 2483
Note: INDIANI PUEBLO Edit
“it is in accordance with the dictates of nature that this should be so.” For secrecy “induces reverence for the divine,Read more at location 2487
Note: STRABO Edit
if knowledge is power, then secrecy is the husbanding and maintenance of power.Read more at location 2491
Note: POTERE DELL INFO Edit
Socrates. In the Platonic dialogues, he is depicted as renowned throughout Athens for never giving anyone a straight answer.Read more at location 2501
Note: SOCRATE Edit
With the issue of secrecy, just as with that of elitism, we have clearly been misled by the anachronisticRead more at location 2502
Note: ANACRONISMO Edit
Think about it: the two greatest teachers of the Western tradition were Jesus and Socrates. And both were famous for their secrecy and indirect speech.Read more at location 2504
Note: GESÙ Edit
ON SALUTARY LYINGRead more at location 2505
Note: NOBILE BUGIA Edit
Is it really believable that the greatest truth seekers of the past were in actuality all bald-faced liars?Read more at location 2506
Note: DISONESTÀ DEI GRANDI PENSATORI Edit
In his classic History of European Morals, W. E. H Lecky argues that “veracity is usually the special virtue of an industrial nation,”Read more at location 2508
Note: LECKY Edit
Hannah Arendt, who points out that “except for Zoroastrianism, none of the major religions included lying as such, as distinguished from ‘bearing false witness,’ in their catalogues of grave sins.”Read more at location 2510
Note: ARENDT Edit
This changed only in modern times, she continues, owing largely to the rise of intellectual specialization, that is, “the rise of organized science, whose progress had to be assured on the firm ground of the absolute veracity and reliability of every scientist.”Read more at location 2512
Note: L INTELLETTUALE Edit
It is fairly easy to show that a very large and wide-ranging group of earlier thinkers regarded the use of salutary lies or at least of concealment of some portion of the truth as just or allowable under the right circumstances.Read more at location 2522
Note: NOBILE BUGIA. MOLTI L HANNO DIFESA Edit
the position of Plato and (his) Socrates on the propriety of noble lies is well known.Read more at location 2525
Note: PLATO E SOCRATE Edit
Plutarch quotes Chrysippus as saying: “Often indeed do the wise employ lies against the vulgar.”Read more at location 2528
Note: PLUTARCO Edit
Grotius writes: “If we may trust Plutarch and Quintillion the Stoics include among the endowments of the wise man the ability to lie in the proper place and manner.”Read more at location 2529
Note: GROZIO Edit
Maimonides declaring: These matters [of theology] are only for a few solitary individuals of a very special sort, not for the multitude.Read more at location 2531
Note: MAIMONIDE Edit
Averroes, in his commentary on Plato’s Republic, writes: The chiefs’ lying to the multitude will be appropriateRead more at location 2535
Note: AVERROÈ Edit
Erasmus states: While it can never be lawful to go against the truth, it may sometimes be expedient to conceal it in the circumstances.Read more at location 2540
Note: ERASMO Edit
Thomas Burnet writes on the subject at some length: What just or pious man ever scrupled to deceive children or lunaticks, when thereby they contributed to their safety and welfare? AndRead more at location 2543
Note: BURNET Edit
in the Encyclopedia itself, there is an article by Diderot entitled “Mensonge officieux”—unofficial or salutary lie—which promotes the “wise maxim that the lie that procures good is worth more than the truth that causes harm.”Read more at location 2552
Note: DIDEROT Edit
David Hume, pulling no punches, writes: “It is putting too great a Respect on the Vulgar, and on their Superstitions, to pique oneself on Sincerity with regard to them.Read more at location 2554
Note: HUME Edit
Descartes’s statement: I would not want to criticize those who allow that through the mouths of the prophets God can produce verbal untruths which, like the lies of doctors who deceive their patients in order to cure them, are free of any malicious intent to deceive.Read more at location 2557
Note: CARTESIO Edit
Augustine is the one who takes the strongest position against lying.62 Yet since his position does not preclude concealment,Read more at location 2562
Note: AGOSTINO

Pensare come un economista


  1. People face trade-offs: To get one thing, you have to give up something else. Making decisions requires trading off one goal against another
  2. The cost of something is what you give up to get it: Decision makers have to consider both the obvious and implicit costs of their actions
  3. Rational people think at the margin: A rational decision maker takes action if and only if the marginal benefit of the action exceeds the marginal cost
  4. People respond to incentives: Behavior changes when costs or benefits change
  5. Trade can make everyone better off: Trade allows each person to specialize in the activities he or she does best. By trading with others, people can buy a greater variety of goods or services
  6. Markets are usually a good way to organize economic activity: Households and firms that interact in market economies act as if they are guided by an “invisible hand” that leads the market to allocate resources efficiently. The opposite of this is economic activity that is organized by a central planner within the government
  7. Governments can sometimes improve market outcomes: When a market fails to allocate resources efficiently, the government can change the outcome through public policy. Examples are regulations against monopolies and pollution
  8. A country’s standard of living depends on its ability to produce goods and services: Countries whose workers produce a large quantity of goods and services per unit of time enjoy a high standard of living. Similarly, as a nation’s productivity grows, so does its average income
  9. Prices rise when the government prints too much money: When a government creates large quantities of the nation’s money, the value of the money falls. As a result, prices increase, requiring more of the same money to buy goods and services
  10. Society faces a short-run trade-off between inflation and unemployment: Reducing inflation often causes a temporary rise in unemployment. This trade-off is crucial for understanding the short-run effects of changes in taxes, government spending, and monetary policy

The Libertarian Position on Religion in Public Life by KEVIN VALLIER

The Libertarian Position on Religion in Public Life by KEVIN VALLIER
Le posizioni libertarie in tema di laicità
(1) The Special Status of Religion: religious conscience and religious institutions should have no special protections in the law. Secular conscience and secular institutions are on a moral par with their religious counterparts. But this equal treatment should be understood as leveling up the protection given to secular conscience and secular institutions, not leveling down the protection given to religious conscience and religious institutions.
(2) Religious Discourse: in general, there are no ethical (and certain no legal) restraints on when a citizen can appeal to religious reasoning in her public discourse on political matters. Officials also have an absolute moral and religious right to freedom of speech, save when their speech constitutes a speech act that affects whether someone is coerced (like a judicial decision).
(3) Religious Exemptions: in general, since religious exemptions are reductions in coercion, libertarians should favor religious exemptions basically all of the time. Libertarians won’t like the special status given to religious exemptions, but it is better to have less coercion rather than more, so the inequality is no reason to support the continued coercion of the religious. Libertarians should treat secular requests for exemptions similarly.
(4a) Coercive Religious Establishment: libertarians should always oppose it.
(4b) Revenue Establishment: libertarians should oppose government attempts to fund expressly religious activities like proselytizing rather than a religious group’s charitable activity. Insofar as we have social insurance, libertarians should not oppose government funds going to religious organizations in addition to secular organizations unless they think that such funding will undermine the status and independence of the religious institutions in question, as those religious institutions understand their status and independence. Libertarians should not oppose school vouchers on the grounds that they’re forms of establishment. That would be an unacceptable reason to oppose an increase in the freedom of parents to choose schools for their children. It’s the sort of reason the statist left appeals to in order to trap children in government schools on the grounds that this will improve school quality.
(4c) Symbolic Establishment: here we face hard issues. Libertarians oppose the initiation of coercion but the use of religious or secularist symbols involves no coercion save the coercion required to prevent people from either removing those symbols or adding symbols of their own. So I think traditional libertarian political theory lacks the resources to address symbolic establishment. The only way I know how to address the issue is to argue that taxpayers own public buildings and objects (like courthouses and currency) and that the government should only use public buildings and objects in ways that represent everyone and does not reject the values of anyone. That sort of unanimity rule seems too demanding, though, given that some people can act as disgruntled holdouts. But if we go with a supermajority or simple majority rule, then dominant social groups, religious or secular, can legitimately press public buildings and objects to represent their views. So my conclusion is that libertarians qua libertarian need have no position on this issue, and should generally not be too bothered about attempts at symbolic establishment or ending symbolic establishment so long as symbolic establishment isn’t an indicator of coercive or revenue establishmentJudge Roy Moore, for instance, wants to post the Ten Commandments in Alabama courtrooms as a means of moving towards coercive establishment, so he should be opposed. But if a World War I memorial has a cross on it, it seems silly, even offensive, to forcibly remove it. I also can’t see why having “In God We Trust” on fiat currency most libertarians oppose is worth getting upset about. In fact, I think that unless symbolic establishment is meant to directly threaten or marginalize religious or secular minorities, then libertarians just shouldn’t care about it. Of course, as secular persons or religious persons, we might care. And I oppose symbolic establishment when I’m wearing my public reason hat. But I can’t find a good reason to worry about it in the cases I offerwhen I wear my libertarian hat

Libertarianism Against the Welfare State By Bryan Caplan

#caplan welfare
Libertarianism Against the Welfare State By Bryan Caplan
  • to restate what I see as the standard libertarian case against the welfare state,
  • 1. Universal social programs that "help everyone" are folly....taxing everyone to help everyone makes no sense.
  • 2. Social programs - universal or means-tested - give people perverse incentives, discouraging work, planning, and self-insurance. The programs give recipients very bad incentives; the taxes required to fund the programs give everyone moderately bad incentives.... As a result, even programs carefully targeted to help the truly poor often fail a cost-benefit test.
  • 3. "Helping people" sounds good; complaining about "perverse incentives" sounds bad. Since humans focus on how policies sound, rather than what they actually achieve, governments have a built-in tendency to adopt and preserve social programs that fail
  • 4. There is a plausible moral case for social programs that help people who are absolutely poor through no fault of their own.... "No fault of their own." Why you're poor matters. Starving because you're born blind is morally problematic. Starving because you drink yourself
  • 5. First World welfare states provide a popular rationale for restricting immigration from countries where absolute poverty is rampant:
  • 6. Ambiguity about what constitutes "absolute poverty" and "irresponsible behavior" should be resolved in favor of taxpayers, not recipients. Coercion is not acceptable when justification is debatable.
  • 7. Consider the best-case scenario for force charity. Someone is absolutely poor through no fault of his own, and there are no disincentive effects of transfers or taxes.... Think of the Good Samaritan... our "fellow citizens" are strangers - and the moral intuition that helping strangers is supererogatory is hard to escape.
continua