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Visualizzazione post con etichetta neven sesardig when reason goes holiday. Mostra tutti i post

domenica 13 agosto 2017

Quell’idiota di Hilary Putnam

Quell’idiota di Hilary Putnam

Hilary Putnam: A Follower of Chairman Mao – When Reason Goes on Holiday: Philosophers in Politics – Neven Sesardic
***
Argomenti trattati: per 4 anni HP aderì senza riserve ad un partito maoista duro e puro. Ma cosa passava nella testa dell’insigne e rigoroso filosofo? A cosa si deve un’impazzimento del genere? – predicare l’evidenza per poi aderire a culti esoterici – puo’ esistere un maoista intelligente? – ancora oggi duro di comprendonio – la svolta… albanese – quell’insana voglia di far fuori i colleghi dissenzienti –
***
Hilary Putnam was indisputably a central figure in contemporary philosophy. When he died in March 2016 the New York Times published an obituary calling him “a giant of modern philosophy.”
Note:UN GIGANTE
A Lover of Wisdom Joins a Cult
From 1968 to 1972, while he was in his forties, Putnam was a member of the Progressive Labor Party (PLP), which the historian Ronald Radosh called “a Marxist-Leninist sect that made the Communist Party look like a group of tame reformists” (2001, 12).
Note:MARXISTA LENINISTA
One indication of the intensity of Putnam’s activism is that he himself said that during that phase he was “never able to function as a philosopher” (quoted in Borradori 1994, 56).
Note: UN IMPEGNO REALE ED INTENSO
a highly intelligent1, accomplished philosopher and exceptionally clear and rigorous thinker with some knowledge of politics—joining a party that glorifies Maoism? And staying in that party four years? In the middle of the Cultural Revolution? Something is very wrong here.
Note:PUÒ ESISTERE UN MAOISTA INTELLIGENTE?
Could it be that Putnam somehow failed to be informed about what was going on in China at the time? This is extremely unlikely. The reports about the terrible events there could have been missed only by someone who had been living on another planet
Note:INFORMATISSIMO
Inside the Chinese Utopia
How much did Putnam know about the situation in China? Surely he must have at least been following the New York Times, which on January 2, 1970, published a long article headlined “The Making of a Red Guard.”
Note:ESEMPIO DI INFO DISPONIBILE
Well, I did know about the Gulags. That is why I joined a group that supported no existing state.
Note:LA GIUSTIFICAZIONE NELLE PAROLE DEL FILOSOFO
This explanation will not do. If Putnam’s former party was Maoist, isn’t it clear that, contrary to what he says, it did support the political system and ideology of “an existing state,” namely China?
Note:RISPOSTA POCO SODDISFACENTE
Contrast this high praise of the PLP with Putnam’s strident condemnation of American mainstream politics over the years.
Note:DURI CON L’AMERICA, INDULGENTI CON LA CINA
In one interview Putnam comments very briefly on his involvement with the PLP: “I was connected with a Maoist group. I am no longer a Maoist” (Borradori 1994, 59)…. One would have expected here a follow-up question from the interviewer, because Putnam’s terse remark screams out for further explanation… But there was no curiosity about this…. But there was no curiosity about this…. Would university professors have reacted with similar indifference and mild amusement if, in the sixties, a leading Harvard scholar had praised, say, the authoritarian regime in Spain and campaigned passionately to introduce Franco’s political system in the United States?…
Note:INTERVISTE SDRAIATE
Here is what he said in an interview many years after he abandoned his attempts to bring the Chinese Communist utopia to America: “Then we had two very atheist dictators, called Stalin and Hitler, who between them killed even more people than anyone had killed in the name of the sacred” (Borradori 1994, 65). How can one talk about murderous atheist dictators without mentioning Mao?
Note: ANCHE DOPO DURO DI COMPRENDONIO
At one point Putnam’s party experienced a huge disappointment with the Chinese “road to socialism” and then took the Albanian turn
Note:COLPO DI SCENA: LA SVOLTA ALBANESE
In a 1972 talk at Princeton he first gratuitously labeled the psychologist Richard Herrnstein as “racist” (see p. 166, footnote 2, for the explanation of why this accusation was wrong) and then publicly urged that Herrnstein be fired from the university (see the Daily Princetonian, March 13, 1972).
Note:IL VIZIETTO DEL CHARACTER ASSASSINATION
The fact that Putnam’s intolerance for different opinions sometimes went so far that he was willing to denounce other scholars in a way that trampled basic principles of academic freedom shows that, after all, joining a Maoist party may have been an excellent fit for someone with his views on politics and scholarship.
IL MAOISMO GLI SI ADDICEVA

mercoledì 9 agosto 2017

Quell’idiota di Dummett

Quell’idiota di Dummett

Michael Dummett: A Bumbling Anti-Racist – When Reason Goes on Holiday: Philosophers in Politics – Neven Sesardic
***
Trigger warning: – antirazzismo a scrocco – antirazzismo da operetta – dogmi come se piovesse – compagnie imbarazzanti –
***
Michael Dummett was Wykeham Professor of Logic at Oxford and Fellow of All Souls College. He is one of the most celebrated philosophers of the twentieth century,
Note:CHI È
Paid by Oxford to Do Research, Does Politics Instead
Dummett was knighted in 1999 for “services to philosophy and racial justice,” but his contributions to these two areas were not always in perfect harmony.
Note:FILOSOFIA E ANTI RAZZISMO
An Oxford philosophy professor admits he “abandoned all attempt at creative work in philosophy” and “gave no more time to thinking about philosophy” for a full four years
Note:QUATTRO ANNI A UFO
Dummett’s way of waging a battle against racism had itself many strange and illogical aspects.
Note:FINANZIARE LA LOTTA POLITICA
Upon receiving the information that someone has been refused by immigration officers, Dummett “dash[ed] to the airport as quickly as possible,” and it is only then and there (at the airport) that he “had to find out what [he] could about the case and say whatever [he] could on the refused person’s behalf.” This means Dummett went to the airport with the intention of defending someone’s right to stay in the United Kingdom without knowing the background facts of this person’s case at all.
Note:MODALITÀ DI AZIONE
A Logician’s Strange Route to Empirical Truth
even beliefs “conforming to a palpably powerful prejudice” may in fact be (strongly) supported by evidence.
Note:L’ IQ DEI NERI MANDA IN CONFUSIONE DUMMETT
Later Dummett tried again, but in a different way, to show that the possibility of a significant genetically based IQ difference between racial groups can be dismissed a priori.
Note:DIFFERENZA IMPOSSIBILITA’ A PRIORI
Although Dummett insisted than no one can rationally think that the great majority of members of any racial group are intellectually inferior to the great majority of members of some other group, some scholars doing research on these issues have thought exactly this (and offered a rationale for their view).
Note:JENSEN
Dummett was clearly wrong in his resolute claim about what “no one can rationally think.”
Note:ERRORE MARCHIANO
One does not expect this kind of misjudgment about elementary statistics from someone who received the prestigious Lakatos Award in the philosophy of science (which, as noted, Dummett did in 1994).
Note:ERRORE INATTESO
A Pimp, a Criminal, and a Racist Invited to Talk at All Souls College
Another troubling feature of Dummett’s political activism is the company he (occasionally) kept.
Note:COMPAGNIE IMBARAZZANTI
A ludicrous but menacing local figure had named himself “Michael X” in the hope of attracting some cross-Atlantic street cred: as a Trinidadian pimp and hustler called Michael de Freitas he had won notoriety as an especially nasty enforcer of evictions for a rack-rent landlord named, in one of those Dickensian coincidences, Mr. Rachman. The soi-disant X had a group—actually a gang—called RAAS. The letters were supposed to stand for Racial Adjustment Action Society and some white liberal clergymen and similar dupes were induced to take it seriously, but in Caribbean patois, as one soon discovered, a “raas” was a used tampon. . . . At Oxford in my first term, a rather silly Catholic bleeding-heart don named Michael Dummett managed to use his privileges to get X to speak in the All Souls dining room.
Note:HITCHENS SPIETATO SU DUMMETT
Michael X was not just a criminal but a vocal and notorious racist too.
MX IL RAZZISTA VIOLENTO
If you ever see a white man laying hands on a black woman, kill him immediately. . . . Whitey is a vicious, nasty person.
Note:UNO STRALCIO DEI SUOI DISCORSI
For these statements he was later convicted of inciting racial hatred and spent eight months in jail.
Note:CONDANNATO
If despite all those red flags Dummett was still willing to lend support and respectability to a thug, pimp, and racist, this raises another worry about his judgment.
Note:DUMMETT EDOTTO DI TUTTO
A Sham Engagement with Philosophy
Could we imagine, by way of analogy, a surgeon who became upset about some social injustice and who, although continuing to work at the hospital, devoted every moment he could spare to his noble political cause and gave no more time to thinking about medicine for years? Hardly, because his lack of dedication to his profession would be soon detected by his patients, colleagues, and administrators, and he could not hope to keep his job with such an attitude. It is a sad testimony to how irrelevant and dispensable philosophical activity has become
ANALOGIA COL CHIRURGO

sabato 22 aprile 2017

Quel'idiota di Wittgenstein

Ludwig Wittgenstein è il genio del XX secolo per antonomasia.
Tuttavia, predicava anche la necessità di un po’ di stupidità ogni tanto...
... “Never stay up on the barren heights of cleverness but come down into the green valleys of silliness.” ...
E poiché era l’uomo più coerente del pianeta, non mancò di uniformarsi al precetto che lui stesso aveva formulato.
***
Le sue simpatie sovietiche erano abbastanza scoperte...
... Wittgenstein had strong sympathies for the Soviet political regime of the thirties...
Nato a Vienna nel 1889, scrisse il Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus nel 1889. Quando mise piede a Cambridge Keynes annunciò sobriamente che "Dio" era arrivato nel campus.
Nel 1935 visitò l' Unione Sovietica considerando l'ipotesi di trasferirsi lì definitivamente. Lo dice Ray Monk nella sua eccellente biografia.
Non che fosse marxista. Era solo "simpatetico"...
... The summer of 1935 was the time when Marxism became, for the undergraduates at Cambridge, the most important intellectual force in the university, and when many students and dons visited the Soviet Union in the spirit of pilgrimage. . . . Despite the fact that Wittgenstein was never at any time a Marxist, he was perceived as a sympathetic figure by the students who formed the core of the Cambridge Communist Party, many of whom . . . attended his lectures (Monk 1990, 348)...
Se non credete a Monk, credete almeno a Keynes...
... is not a member of the Communist Party, but has strong sympathies with the way of life which he believes the new régime in Russia stands for.”...
Gli piaceva il modo di vivere di laggiù...
... his strong sympathies for the way of life he believes the new régime in Russia stands for...
Gli piaceva e lo diceva senza posa. Anche quando le stragi degli oppositori di Stalin erano fresche fresche e non certo segrete...
... Wittgenstein must have been aware that only a few months before he wrote the letter to Keynes, a huge uproar had erupted in England over large-scale summary executions in the Soviet Union after the Kirov murder...Ricordo che era il filosofo del "su ciò di cui non si può parlare bisogna tacere". E la sua vita era improntata a questo motto (non parlava quasi mai). Viene il sospetto che alle sue parole esplicite sia necessario dare un peso sopra la media.
Insistette molto presso Keynes per il suo viaggio a Mosca, cosicché Keynes organizzò lo "scambio". Ma quale scambio?...
... To sum up, my hypothesis is that the tit-for-tat exchange of services (involving philosophers) was conducted in two separate stages. First, Keynes incurred a debt to Maisky via the following causal sequence: Wittgenstein’s request Keynes’ mediation Maisky’s intervention Wittgenstein goes to Russia. In the second round the debt is repaid along the path: Maisky’s request Keynes’ mediation Editor’s decision Mitin publishes an article in Philosophy...
Un prezzo decisamente elevato, e Wittgenstein ne era al corrente. Considerata la sua moralità leggendaria non si può liquidare la cosa come un mero e occasionale opportunismo. Qui l’idiozia è un fattore decisivo per spiegare la cosa.
***
Wittgenstein era attratto da Stalin, ne abbiamo diverse riprove.
Quali furono le sue impressioni di viaggio? Uno dice: “forse vedere le cose da vicino può avergli giovato”.
Ci riferisce tutto l'amico Georg Henrik von Wright...
... He visited Moscow and Leningrad in September [1935] and apparently was pleased with the visit” (Malcolm 2001, 15)... two years later he considered going to Russia again (Engelmann 1967, 59)...
Insomma, voleva tornare quanto prima.
Anche per questo tra gli studenti era noto col simpatico nomignolo di "lo stalinista"...
... [E]ven after the show trials of 1936, the worsening of relations between Russia and the West and the Nazi–Soviet Pact of 1939, Wittgenstein continued to express his sympathy with the Soviet regime—so much so that he was taken by some of his students at Cambridge to be a ‘Stalinist’” and then continues: “This label is, of course, nonsense” (Monk 1990, 354)... Wittgenstein was regarded as a Stalinist “by those who knew him well” (Moran 1972, 92)...Wittgenstein’s politics were ultra-left wing and . . . he had strong sympathy for Stalin and the Soviet Union” (Cornish 1998, 49).... Elizabeth Anscombe, one of Wittgenstein’s most trusted friends and collaborators, was directly asked whether those in his close circle saw him as a Stalinist, she actually did not deny it at all but resorted to equivocation (Moran 1972, 92)...
Le sue malfamate amicizie a Cambridge non lo aiutarono certo a levarsi di dosso quel nomignolo…
… It is worth stressing that many of Wittgenstein’s friends were Communists or fellow-travelers, so it would not be surprising if some of them had infected him with the Stalinist bug. Take Piero Sraffa, an Italian economist... Wittgenstein acknowledged his indebtedness to Sraffa in the preface to Philosophical Investigations... according to former president of Italy (and former Communist) Giorgio Napolitano, Sraffa maintained regular contacts with the Italian Communist Party: “whenever he came to Rome, he never missed meeting with Togliatti and other [Communist] leaders” (Napolitano 2007, 411)... this was the person “whose opinion Wittgenstein valued above all others on questions of politics”...
Reminiscenze di testimoni su W. e sugli amici di W. a Cambridge...
... The atmosphere of Stalinism contained something that attracted him: a total destruction of early twentieth-century social forms was required (he thought) if there was to be any improvement. “Die Leidenschaft verspricht etwas,” he said to [Austrian philosopher Friedrich] Waismann: the passion that infused society there meant that some good could come from it (McGuinness 2002, 45). Fania Pascal had the impression that the sufferings of so many in the Russia of the 1920s and 1930s were accepted by Wittgenstein as an accompaniment, relatively unimportant, of the affirmation of a new society. Misery there would have been anyway: now at least it was for a purpose (ibid.; emphasis added). These attitudes did not dispose him to think well of the British government or of its attitude towards the Europan situation. He looked at a picture of them—‘a lot of wealthy old men’—and contrasted them (God forgive him!) with Stalin (ibid., 46). On political questions, from 1939 onwards anyway, Wittgenstein was generally sympathetic with the Russian communists. . . . I loathed Stalinism from 1937 onwards (or earlier) and I used to disagree with Wittgenstein’s judgments on Russia on this account (Rush Rhees, quoted in Moran 1972, 95). If you spoke of regimentation of Russian workers, of workers not being free to leave or change their jobs, or perhaps of labor camps, Wittgenstein was not impressed. It would be terrible if the mass of the people there—or in any society—had no regular work. He also thought it would be terrible if the society were ridden by “class distinctions,” although he said less about this. “On the other hand, tyranny. . .?”—with a questioning gesture, shrugging his shoulders—“doesn’t make me feel indignant” (Rhees 1984, 205; emphasis added)...
campi di concentramento non lo turbavano, dunque. E nemmeno la tirannia. Non dava grande importanza alla libertà umana.
Ma perché, secondo Wittgenstein, Stalin faceva quel che faceva sollevando tanta riprovazione? La risposta favorita: perché Stalin aveva un compito improbo da svolgere...
... Maurice Drury says Wittgenstein once told him: “People have accused Stalin of having betrayed the Russian Revolution. But they have no idea about the problems that Stalin had to deal with...
Una scusa del genere non è solo stupida, è molto peggio: è la stessa scusa addotta dagli stalinisti. Una specie di linea di partito a cui Wittgenstein si atteneva.
... Wittgenstein’s excuse is exactly how Stalinists themselves typically tried to justify... second, it is ludicrous to suggest that it was necessary to kill millions and send millions of others to the gulag...
Testimonianza dello studente Theodore Redpath...
... One evening I saw an English film in which Ralph Richardson took the part of a landowner, who seemed to me a thoroughly decent sort of chap, but who was morally condemned by the film, apparently simply for being a landowner. This struck me as grossly unfair, and not long afterwards I happened to tell Wittgenstein what I thought. His reply struck me, as so much of what he said used to do. He said that simply being a landowner could have been quite bad enough (1990, 36–37; emphasis added)...
Deportare un proprietario terriero per il fatto di essere un proprietario terriero sembrava essere ok per Wittgenstein.
***
E con Hitler? Come si rapportò a Hitler il Nostro?
Era pacifista (almeno finché Hitler non attaccò l'URSS)...
... in November 1940 he signed a letter in support of the so-called People’s Convention, an anti-war event organized by the Communist Party of Great Britain that was about to take place in London on January 12, 1941...
Dopo l'attacco all' URSS tutto cambia. In conformità con le direttive di partito, naturalmente...
... Of course, everything changed on June 22, 1941. After Hitler’s attack on the Soviet Union, the Communists radically changed their minds about the war. As did Wittgenstein (McGuinness 2012, 309, 345)...
Tanto sofisticato nelle ricerche filosofiche, quanto semplicione in politica. E dire che la politica lo interessava quanto la filosofia...
... The enormous sophistication and hypercritical spirit that Wittgenstein displayed in his philosophical work disappeared when his thoughts turned to politics...
E pensare che proprio lui si lamentava dei colleghi semplicioni :-) ...
... In a letter to Norman Malcolm in 1944, Wittgenstein lamented that the clear thinking nurtured in philosophy is often abandoned when philosophers address practical issues of great importance: “What is the use of studying philosophy if all that it does for you is to enable you to talk with some plausibility about some abstruse questions of logic, etc., and if it does not improve your thinking about the important questions of everyday life?” (quoted in Malcolm 2001, 93). Wittgenstein was obviously unaware that his lament about the uselessness of philosophy for everyday thinking also applied to his own case, and with a vengeanc...

venerdì 24 marzo 2017

CHAPTER SIX Ludwig Wittgenstein: To Russia with Love

CHAPTER SIX Ludwig Wittgenstein: To Russia with LoveRead more at location 1674
Note: 6@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@ Edit
“Never stay up on the barren heights of cleverness but come down into the green valleys of silliness.” —LUDWIG WITTGENSTEINRead more at location 1677
Note: AUSPICIO Edit
twentieth-century genius par excellence.Read more at location 1679
Wittgenstein had strong sympathies for the Soviet political regime of the thirties.Read more at location 1682
Note: SIMPATIE Edit
Language Games at the Soviet EmbassyRead more at location 1685
Note: t Edit
born in Vienna in 1889.Read more at location 1686
Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus in 1921Read more at location 1687
God has arrived.Read more at location 1688
Note: W IN VISITA A CAMBRIDGE. REAZIONE DI K Edit
visit to the Soviet Union in 1935.Read more at location 1690
considering the possibility of moving thereRead more at location 1690
Ray Monk in his excellent biographyRead more at location 1691
The summer of 1935 was the time when Marxism became, for the undergraduates at Cambridge, the most important intellectual force in the university, and when many students and dons visited the Soviet Union in the spirit of pilgrimage. . . . Despite the fact that Wittgenstein was never at any time a Marxist, he was perceived as a sympathetic figure by the students who formed the core of the Cambridge Communist Party, many of whom . . . attended his lectures (Monk 1990, 348).Read more at location 1692
Note: SIMPATETICO Edit
Wittgenstein] is not a member of the Communist Party, but has strong sympathies with the way of life which he believes the new régime in Russia stands for.”Read more at location 1702
Note: KEYNES Edit
his strong sympathies for the way of life he believes the new régime in Russia stands for.Read more at location 1708
Note: WAY OF LIFE Edit
Wittgenstein must have been aware that only a few months before he wrote the letter to Keynes, a huge uproar had erupted in England over large-scale summary executions in the Soviet Union after the Kirov murder.Read more at location 1720
Note: STRAGI FRESCHE PRIMA DELLA SIMPATIA ESPRESSA Edit
To sum up, my hypothesis is that the tit-for-tat exchange of services (involving philosophers) was conducted in two separate stages. First, Keynes incurred a debt to Maisky via the following causal sequence: Wittgenstein’s request Keynes’ mediation Maisky’s intervention Wittgenstein goes to Russia. In the second round the debt is repaid along the path: Maisky’s request Keynes’ mediation Editor’s decision Mitin publishes an article in Philosophy.Read more at location 1747
Note: LO SCAMBIO Edit
the price of Wittgenstein’s visit to the Soviet Union consisted in a major Western philosophical journal agreeing to publish the Marxist drivel of one of Stalin’s henchmen?Read more at location 1757
Note: IL PREZZO DELLA VISITA Edit
The Attractions of StalinismRead more at location 1768
Note: t Edit
impression of the Soviet Union?Read more at location 1769
Georg Henrik von Wright,Read more at location 1770
“He visited Moscow and Leningrad in September [1935] and apparently was pleased with the visit” (Malcolm 2001, 15).Read more at location 1770
Note: IMPRESSIONI SULL URSS Edit
two years later he considered going to Russia again (Engelmann 1967, 59).Read more at location 1772
Ray MonkRead more at location 1772
“[E]ven after the show trials of 1936, the worsening of relations between Russia and the West and the Nazi–Soviet Pact of 1939, Wittgenstein continued to express his sympathy with the Soviet regime—so much so that he was taken by some of his students at Cambridge to be a ‘Stalinist’” and then continues: “This label is, of course, nonsense” (Monk 1990, 354).Read more at location 1773
Note: LO STALINISTA. NOMIGNOLO Edit
Wittgenstein was regarded as a Stalinist “by those who knew him well” (Moran 1972, 92).Read more at location 1781
“Wittgenstein’s politics were ultra-left wing and . . . he had strong sympathy for Stalin and the Soviet Union” (Cornish 1998, 49).Read more at location 1782
Note: CONFERMA STAL Edit
Elizabeth Anscombe, one of Wittgenstein’s most trusted friends and collaborators, was directly asked whether those in his close circle saw him as a Stalinist, she actually did not deny it at all but resorted to equivocation (Moran 1972, 92).Read more at location 1784
Note: CONFERMA STALINISMO Edit
It is worth stressing that many of Wittgenstein’s friends were Communists or fellow-travelers, so it would not be surprising if some of them had infected him with the Stalinist bug. Take Piero Sraffa, an Italian economistRead more at location 1788
Note: CATTIVE AMICIZIE Edit
Wittgenstein acknowledged his indebtedness to Sraffa in the preface to Philosophical Investigations,Read more at location 1791
Note: c Edit
according to former president of Italy (and former Communist) Giorgio Napolitano, Sraffa maintained regular contacts with the Italian Communist Party: “whenever he came to Rome, he never missed meeting with Togliatti and other [Communist] leaders” (Napolitano 2007, 411).Read more at location 1796
Note: c Edit
this was the person “whose opinion Wittgenstein valued above all others on questions of politics”Read more at location 1808
Note: c Edit
The atmosphere of Stalinism contained something that attracted him: a total destruction of early twentieth-century social forms was required (he thought) if there was to be any improvement. “Die Leidenschaft verspricht etwas,” he said to [Austrian philosopher Friedrich] Waismann: the passion that infused society there meant that some good could come from it (McGuinness 2002, 45). Fania Pascal had the impression that the sufferings of so many in the Russia of the 1920s and 1930s were accepted by Wittgenstein as an accompaniment, relatively unimportant, of the affirmation of a new society. Misery there would have been anyway: now at least it was for a purpose (ibid.; emphasis added). These attitudes did not dispose him to think well of the British government or of its attitude towards the European situation. He looked at a picture of them—‘a lot of wealthy old men’—and contrasted them (God forgive him!) with Stalin (ibid., 46). On political questions, from 1939 onwards anyway, Wittgenstein was generally sympathetic with the Russian communists. . . . I loathed Stalinism from 1937 onwards (or earlier) and I used to disagree with Wittgenstein’s judgments on Russia on this account (Rush Rhees, quoted in Moran 1972, 95). If you spoke of regimentation of Russian workers, of workers not being free to leave or change their jobs, or perhaps of labor camps, Wittgenstein was not impressed. It would be terrible if the mass of the people there—or in any society—had no regular work. He also thought it would be terrible if the society were ridden by “class distinctions,” although he said less about this. “On the other hand, tyranny. . .?”—with a questioning gesture, shrugging his shoulders—“doesn’t make me feel indignant” (Rhees 1984, 205; emphasis added).Read more at location 1811
Note: REMINISCENZE SU W DI AMICI DI W Edit
existence of labor camps did not impress Wittgenstein,Read more at location 1827
nor did tyranny make him indignant,Read more at location 1828
did not share that high regard for human libertyRead more at location 1828
Maurice Drury says Wittgenstein once told him: “People have accused Stalin of having betrayed the Russian Revolution. But they have no idea about the problems that Stalin had to deal with;Read more at location 1831
Note: I PROBLEMI DI STALIN Edit
Wittgenstein’s excuse is exactly how Stalinists themselves typically tried to justifyRead more at location 1834
second, it is ludicrous to suggest that it was necessary to kill millions and send millions of others to the gulagRead more at location 1835
student Theodore Redpath:Read more at location 1837
Note: g Edit
One evening I saw an English film in which Ralph Richardson took the part of a landowner, who seemed to me a thoroughly decent sort of chap, but who was morally condemned by the film, apparently simply for being a landowner. This struck me as grossly unfair, and not long afterwards I happened to tell Wittgenstein what I thought. His reply struck me, as so much of what he said used to do. He said that simply being a landowner could have been quite bad enough (1990, 36–37; emphasis added).Read more at location 1838
Note: cit UN SUO STUD Edit
merely being a landowner can be “quite bad enough,”Read more at location 1843
Philosophical Genius Opposes the War against HitlerRead more at location 1845
Note: t Edit
his noninvolvementRead more at location 1849
in November 1940 he signed a letter in support of the so-called People’s Convention, an anti-war event organized by the Communist Party of Great Britain that was about to take place in London on January 12, 1941.Read more at location 1856
Note: FIRMAVA X LA PACE NE 41 IN CONFORMITÀ CON GLI ORDINI DA MOSCA Edit
result of the Nazi–Soviet Pact in 1939,Read more at location 1858
Of course, everything changed on June 22, 1941. After Hitler’s attack on the Soviet Union, the Communists radically changed their minds about the war. As did Wittgenstein (McGuinness 2012, 309, 345).8Read more at location 1892
Note: TUTTO AMBIA CON L ATTACCO ALL URSD Edit
The enormous sophistication and hypercritical spirit that Wittgenstein displayed in his philosophical work disappeared when his thoughts turned to politics.Read more at location 1894
Note: QUEL SEMPLICIONE DI W Edit
In a letter to Norman Malcolm in 1944, Wittgenstein lamented that the clear thinking nurtured in philosophy is often abandoned when philosophers address practical issues of great importance: “What is the use of studying philosophy if all that it does for you is to enable you to talk with some plausibility about some abstruse questions of logic, etc., and if it does not improve your thinking about the important questions of everyday life?” (quoted in Malcolm 2001, 93). Wittgenstein was obviously unaware that his lament about the uselessness of philosophy for everyday thinking also applied to his own case, and with a vengeance.Read more at location 1896
Note: W SI LAMENTA DEO COLLEGHI SEMPLICIONI Edit