Visualizzazione post con etichetta sanità. Mostra tutti i post
Visualizzazione post con etichetta sanità. Mostra tutti i post

lunedì 15 maggio 2017

La sanità come merce

Come mai in molti paesi europei la sanità è socializzata? All’enigma tenta di rispondere David Friedman nel suo saggio “Should Medicine be a Commodity?”. Perché la sanità non è una merce come le altre?
Nel saggio si pretende di risolvere la questione applicando una metodologia d’analisi di stampo economicista. Ci sono obiezioni a questa via, alcune di natura filosofica (di cui si è già dato conto link ), altre di natura pratica.
Dissipiamo subito gli equivoci intorno al link tra sanità e povertà: non esiste, non stiamo parlando di povertà. Chi ritiene che una persona povera abbia comunque diritto di accesso ai servizi sanitari risolve il suo problema con una redistribuzione delle risorse a monte senza dover agire sul mercato della salute. E a chi dice che l’esigenza sanitaria puo’ essere improvvisa e molto costosa si fa presente che esistono anche le assicurazioni sanitarie che smussano queste caratteristicheSe invece si socializza la sanità è evidentemente per altri motivi.
C’è chi pensa che il valore della vita non possa essere misurato con la moneta. Ma questa posizione è difettosa…
… The real comparison is not between life and money but between life and other things people value--leisure, consumption goods, education for their children, housing, et multa caetera…
Che le cose non stiano in questi termini, poi, lo vediamo tutti i giorni:
… Anyone who both smokes and believes the conclusions of the surgeon general's report is deliberately trading life--an increased probability of dying of heart disease or lung cancer--for the pleasure of smoking…
Il valore infinito della vita implica un’inconcepibile vita a rischio zero.
… the assumption that life is infinitely valuable imply that we should take no avoidable risks--no sky diving, no skiing, no skin diving--it also implies a society wholly devoted to achieving a single goal…
Esperimento mentale che taglia la testa al toro:
… Few of us would agree to be hung tomorrow in exchange for a payment of a million dollars, or even ten billion. Does not that imply that our value for life is very high and perhaps infinite? No. It proves that money is of no use to a corpse…
Inoltre:
… studies of wage differentials in hazardous professions generate value of life estimates well below a million dollars…
La questione consente di mettere in evidenza alcuni errori di valutazione molto comuni:
… Suppose there is some individual who requires--and does not get--a ten million dollar operation to save his life. Further suppose that ten million dollars is precisely the sum spent, during a year, by all the people in the U.S. in order to have mint flavor in their toothpaste… we have no intuition for how much the importance of a trivial pleasure is increased when it is multiplied by two hundred million… we end up comparing the value of one life to the value of a trivial pleasure to one person, or perhaps a few… Suppose I know that by eliminating mint flavor from my toothpaste I can avoid a one in 200 million chance of my own death. That is, in some sense, an equivalent problem… Put this way, the answer is far from obvious…
Alcuni sostengono che tutti hanno “diritto alla vita”, per cui hanno diritto di accesso a quei mezzi – in particolare le cure sanitarie – che consentono di allungarla. Ma un simile argomento deve essere dismesso per le sue conseguenze controintuitive:
… One difficulty with this argument is that it proves too much. Medical care is not the only thing whose consumption affects life expectancy… Nutrition, clothing, housing, education… The concept of a right to life makes sense as my right to have other people not kill me. It does not make sense as a blank check against the rest of the human race for anything that extends my life…
Altri sostengono che il metodo economico si attaglia a problemi dove c’è una scelta che riguarda il gusto. L’ambito sanitario non rientra nel novero poiché siamo nell’ambito dei fatti oggettivi. No:
… The problem with this argument is that decisions about medical care, like most decisions human beings make, involve issues of both fact and value
E noi sappiamo molto bene che “tutto è mischiato”.
Altri sostengono che la salute è elemento essenziale 8e quindi da garantire con i voucher) affinché il soggetto compia le scelte di cui si occupa l’economia:
… One consequence of lack of medical care may be a drastic reduction in the number of available alternatives--a cripple cannot become an athlete, to take a particularly sharp example. Hence, it is said, while poor people may not have any general right to be given money, they do have a right to be provided with medical care. It is claimed that this argument justifies medical vouchers
L’argomento è fallace: con i soldi garantisci ancora più scelte che con i voucher:
… argument proves too much--many inputs other than medical care affect our future choices… argument for vouchers appears to contain a simple error of logic--the proposal to increase choice in fact reduces it… removing the requirement that the money be spent on medical care obviously increases choice…
C’è poi chi fa notare che sul mercato sanitario l’informazione è scarsa e riguarda, al limite, solo la cura di quelle malattie molto ricorrenti.
… The assumption of perfect information seems most appropriate for goods that are purchased repeatedly… Some medical purchases seem to fit this pattern--cold medicines, for example, are used repeatedly, providing the customer an opportunity to determine which ones do noticeably better than others at relieving his symptoms… For many medical services the situation is far worse. Few of us break our bones often enough to form a competent opinion of the skills of those who set them… our willingness to pay for drugs or services reflects only very approximately their real value to us…
Per questo problema esistono alcune soluzioni di mercato:
… One is to voluntarily shift the decision, and the associated costs and benefits, to some organization better informed than the individual consumer… health insurance, for example…
Non esenti da problemi:
… how to decide which insurance company to trust. One solution is to purchase life and health insurance in the same package
Un’altra soluzione consiste nello spendere tempo per informarsi consultando i report. Di sicuro nell’epoca della rete i costi d’informazione sono crollati.
Ma ci sono anche gli enti certificatori:
… Another solution is for some expert body to certify the quality of drugs or physicians; a familiar example in another field is the Underwriter's Laboratory…
C’è poi il metodo delle garanzie (oggi inefficiente):
… Another solution is a guarantee. If customers believe that they are ignorant about the effects of drugs and that the drug companies are not, they should strongly prefer drugs produced by companies that assume liability for unexpected side effects--and be willing to pay more for the drugs sold by such companies… Under our present system liability rules are determined by the courts and waivers are unenforceable. The customer ends up paying for the malpractice insurance whether or not he thinks it is worth the price…
Poi ci sono le soluzioni governative, per esempio l’etichettatura:
… What about governmental solutions? The obvious one is for the government to generate information, leaving the customer free to decide for himself how to make use of it. A familiar example is the labeling of cigarettes
Ma c’è un problema (grave):
… Although the government may have superior information about the side effects of a drug or the consequences of smoking, the consumer has superior information about his own values… In the case of physicians, this is an argument for certification and against licensing… Physicians are licensed, and unlicensed physicians are forbidden to practice. Similarly, although there is some control over the labelling of drugs… keep drugs off the market until the FDA has approved them… present policies assume customers who are not only poorly informed but irrational…
Ma c’è un altro modo – triste ma credibile - per spiegare queste distorsioni tipiche della regolamentazione governativa:
… An alternative explanation is that the chief objective of at least some regulation is the welfare not of the patient but of the doctor… This raises a general issue frequently ignored by those who wish to substitute governmental for private decisions. Even if the government is better informed than the individual, the individual has one great advantage in making decisions about his own welfare--he can be trusted to have his welfare as one of his principal objectives…
Ogni volta che entra in campo la regolamentazione governativa, entra in campo il controllore e il noto bias del controllore:
… If the FDA licenses a drug that turns out to have disastrous side effects, the result is a front page story and the end of the career of whoever made the decision. If it refuses to license a useful drug, the result is to keep a cure rate from rising--say from 92% to 93%. The total cost may be very large, but it is not very visible… So far as I know nobody has yet done a comparable study attempting to estimate the net effect, in either dollars or lives, of FDA regulations restricting the introduction of potentially dangerous drugs…
C’è poi il problema delle informazioni asimmetriche:
… It involves situations in which one party to a transaction has information that the other lacks, and there is no (convincing) way to share the information with the other party…
Qui il problema è chiaro nel mercato delle auto usate: poiché è lecito sospettare un “piccolo imbroglio” l’acquirente accetta solo prezzi più bassi rispetto a quelli che accetterebbe senza il “piccolo imbroglio” messo in preventivo. Cosicché, se il rivenditore non fa alcun “piccolo imbroglio”, la macchina andrà invenduta mentre avrebbe potuto esserlo in condizioni di trasparenza. Ma un affare oggettivo che sfuma è un mero spreco in termini di efficienza. Ecco, nella sanità il problema si ripropone: chi stipula un’assicurazione sanitaria conosce i suoi punti deboli in termini di salute ma si guarda bene dal rivelarli. l’assicurazione lo sa e prende le sue contromisure.
Una possibile soluzione di mercato alla cosiddetta “selezione avversa”:
… One market solution is a group policy. If an insurance company insures all the employees of a firm together, the sample of insured individuals is only slightly biased towards bad risks, since the existence of the insurance is only a minor factor in determining who chooses to work for that company…
Spesso è il governo ad acuire il problema: ricordo un assicurazione che assicurava solo i testimoni di Geova (la loro onestà è proverbiale). la pratica fu messa fuori legge. Spesso è contrario alla legge persino uno screening preventivo accurato dell’assicurando.
C’è anche una ragione meramente empirica che rassicura sul problema della selezione avversa: dai dati non sembra presentarsi. Perchè? Perché i più “onesti” sono anche i più inclini a preservare la propria salute. Evidentemente c’è una correlazione tra scrupolosità etica e scrupolosità nella cura della propria persona. Ma qui sconfiniamo nella psicologia.
Poi ci sono le soluzioni governative…:
… The obvious governmental solution is a group policy for the entire population--national health insurance
… Con tutti i loro problemi, a partire da questo:
… If provided by a bureaucrat god perfectly informed about the appropriate level of coverage and all the associated administrative details, and suitably tailored to the requirements of different customers, it would be more efficient than the private alternative…
Senza dimenticare quest’altro:
… Consider an individual deciding whether to stay an extra day in the hospital. The cost of doing so is $ 200. The value to him, in terms of a slight reduction in the chance of a relapse, is $ 50. If he is paying his own bills, he goes home. If the insurance company is paying more than 3/ 4 of the cost, he stays…
Eh già, laddove c’è un’assicurazione c’è azzardo morale. Come combatterlo. In modo tutto sommato intuitivo: far partecipare corposamente alla spesa, stabilire delle franchigie e dei minimali oppure delle vere e proprie coassicurazioni:
There are several ways in which the costs of moral hazard can be reduced. One is coinsurance--if the insured is responsible for part of the bill, he has at least some incentive to keep it down… Moral hazard applies to government health insurance just as it does to private health insurance… The advantage of the private system is that insurance will occur only if the gain due to risk sharing (or other advantages) at least balances the cost imposed by moral hazard—otherwise…
Un altro problema è la competizione imperfetta che vige nel settore sanitario. Poca competizione, prezzi più alti.
Qui il maggior colpevole è il governo:
… The main hindrances to competition on that part of the market are the result of government interference--the prohibition on advertising the price of medical services and the restriction on entry to the profession, both enforced by state regulation of who can practice medicine. The same applies to the retailing of medicine; advertising of the prices of prescription drugs has frequently been illegal…
C’è però anche un rischio monopoli:
… What about imperfect competition resulting from economies of scale in the medical industry? Examples are drug research, hospitals, and physicians in sparsely populated areas…
Diciamo che qui ci sarebbe spazio per un intervento pubblico, senonché le prove precedenti dell’anti-trust lasciano alquanto a desiderare se giudicate come strumento di difesa del consumatore. Le ragioni sono sempre le stesse. E allora, anche in questo caso, forse è meglio lasciar perdere per non peggiorare le cose.
… My own conclusion, considering both the theoretical arguments and historical experience, is that regulation of monopolies may never be desirable, and certainly is not in cases that fall substantially short of complete and very long-lived monopoly…
E che dire delle possibili esternalità in ambito sanitario?
… An externality is a cost (or benefit) that one individual's actions impose on another. A public good can be described as a positive externality… If I get inoculated against a contagious disease, that reduces the chance that I will infect you--a positive externality. If my drug company discovers a new family of drugs, that provides information useful to other companies. If I spend money on keeping myself healthy, that benefits all those who care for me and would be made unhappy by my illness…Economic theory suggests that the market will underproduce inoculations, drug research, and health because in each case the individual paying the cost receives only part of the benefit… All of these, however, are what I earlier described as mostly private (or at least, largely private) goods. In each case a large part of the benefit goes to the person who pays for it--I stay healthy because of my inoculation, the drug company makes money off its new drugs, and my own health probably gives more pleasure to me than to even the most altruistic of my friends…
Ma tutti i casi di esternalità citati riguardano beni privati: la mia vaccinazione fa bene a te non rischi il contagio ma fa bene innanzitutto a me.  Di conseguenza l’intervento pubblico non è così necessario. Certo, puo’ esserci lo spazio per un piccolo intervento ma sappiamo bene che questa “discrezione” è difficile da ottenere: per i noti motivi di public choice una volta che il regolatore ci mette mano la sua azione diventa presto ipertrofica.
La conclusione del saggio:
… In most cases the failure of market implies that a sufficiently wise, powerful, and benevolent authority could improve--in terms of economic efficiency--the outcome of the market. In no case is there any clear reason to believe that assigning additional power to government--as government actually exists--would improve the situation; in many there is reason to believe that doing so would make it worse. In several cases existing problems are the direct result of government interference with the market…
COMMENTO PERSONALE
Ottimo saggio che si concentra sulle ragioni economiche. Non si tratta di ragioni conclusive ma comunque aiutano a prendere la decisione etica: poiché non esistono chiare ragioni che giustificano la produzione socializzata della sanità, allora prevale il criterio della libertà per cui il bene in questione non deve ricevere un trattamento differente da quello standard di mercato. In altri termini: la salute è una merce.

lunedì 8 maggio 2017

Due modi per giudicare la sanità italiana

Per giudicare la Sanità dei vari paesi uno va a vedere la classifica ufficiale.
Solo che ne esistono due: una dei governi (OMS) e una dei consumatori (HCP).
Di solito, con qualche eccezione, chi va bene nella prima, va male nella seconda e viceversa, cosicché, quando si deve far propaganda oppure criticare, c'è sempre una classifica a cui potersi appoggiare...
... l' OMS si concentra sui risultati... lo stato di salute... mentre l' HCP sulla qualità dei servizi...
Da quanto detto capiamo bene come la classifica OMS sia destituita di fondamento: non esiste un legame tra sanità e stato di salute.
L'Italia, figuriamoci, va benone nella classifica OMS, ovvero quella sullo stato di salute...
... che però deve molto a fattori extramedici come per esempio l'alimentazione... "olive oil effect"...
Va invece male nella qualità dei servizi offerti. Anche se migliora leggermente una volta considerato quanto spende.
E la sanità USA?...
... malino nello stato di salute... che però risente dello stile di vita... eccellente nella qualità dei servizi e disastrosa per efficienza...
Luca Ricolfi: Illusioni italiche.

giovedì 15 settembre 2016

La medicina uccide

Il web è pieno di medici che si divertono a giocare allo “scienziato” occupandosi di questioni marginali come l’inefficacia delle terapie alternative (che ben pochi adottano). Mai nessuno di loro che denunci la questione centrale: la medicina ufficiale (quella utilizzata da tutti) uccide. No, non parlo di quegli episodi di “malasanità” con i quali fanno festa ogni tanto i giornali, parlo del fatto che la sanità presa nel suo complesso nuoce alla nostra salute producendo più morti che guarigioni.
In “Cut Medicine an Half” Robin Hanson è attratto dal mancato collegamento tra spesa sanitaria e salute.
Per il profano è una verità straordinaria, per l’esperto una verità nota. Tuttavia, nessuno dei due – sia l’ignorante che il sapiente – ha il coraggio di pronunciarla in modo chiaro e netto. E’ a questo che serve Robin Hanson, per riferire verità imbarazzanti quanto consolidate.
Per mettere in chiaro lo spreco di risorse sottostante Hanson propone una limpida analogia:
Car inspections and repairs take a small fraction of our total spending on cars, gas, roads, and parking. But imagine that we were so terrified of accidents due to faulty cars that we spent most of our automotive budget having our cars inspected and adjusted every week by Ph.D. car experts. Obsessed by the fear of not finding a defect that might cause an accident, imagine we made sure inspections were heavily regulated and subsidized by government… Then let me speak plainly: our main problem in health policy is a huge overemphasis on medicine… But health policy experts know that we see at best only weak aggregate relations between health and medicine, in contrast to apparently strong aggregate relations between health and many other factors, such as exercise, diet, sleep, smoking, pollution, climate, and social status
Il mito e la verità sulle sorti della nostra salute:
Children are told that medicine is the reason we live longer than our ancestors, and our media tell us constantly of promising medical advances… In contrast, few doctors know that historians think medicine has played at best a minor role in our increased lifespans over the centuries. And only a few health policy experts now know about the dozens of studies of the aggregate health effects of medicine. Worse, these studies can seem muddled, with some showing positive, some showing negative, and some showing neutral effects of medicine on health…
Insomma, il punto di partenza – per quanto disturbante – non è un’eresia sostenuta da un tipo originale ma l’ortodossia ammessa (a denti stretti) da tutti gli esperti:
In the aggregate, variations in medical spending usually show no statistically significant medical effect on health…
Precisiamo cosa intendere per “variazione” e “aggregato”, chi è spiazzato da questa verità spesso fatica a cogliere i concetti di fondo:
By “variations” I mean the large changes in medical spending often induced by observable disturbances, such as changing culture or prices, and by “aggregate” I mean studies of the health effect on an entire population of disturbances that affect a broad range of medical treatments…
Una cosa è certa: la nostra salute è migliorata in modo strepitoso nel tempo, senonché – per quanto ne sappiamo – i progressi sanitari non hanno contribuito all’impresa, l’intero miglioramento è da attribuire a fattori diversi. La “speranza di vita” sintetizza bene anche gli altri indicatori della nostra salute:
… large and significant lifespan effects: a three year loss for smoking, a six year gain for rural living, a ten year loss for being underweight, and about fifteen year losses each for low income and low physical activity (in addition to the usual effects of age and gender)…
Persino professare una religione incide sulla salute  più di quanto spendi per il medico.
Riassunto:
Let us now summarize and interpret these results. Medicine is composed of a great many specific activities. Presumably some of these activities help patients, some hurt patients, and some are neutral. (Don’t believe medicine can hurt? Consider the high rate of medical errors, and see the Fisher & Welch Journal of American Medical Association 1999 theory article.)…
Tesi:
I thus claim: we could cut U.S. medical spending in half without substantial net health costs…
In realtà Hanson non chiede riforme, chiede solo  che gli esperti parlino chiaro quanto lui:
… Yes, I know, these are not politically realistic proposals. But at least health policy experts should publicly contradict those who overemphasize medicine…
O che perlomeno parte dei fondi vengano dirottati su studi di vasta scala che tentino di replicare ulteriormente quelli ora a nostra disposizione:
If health policy experts hesitate on my proposals due to doubts about how much we can rely on the RAND experiment and correlation studies, then they should at the very least immediately and fully support channeling available funding into repeating the RAND experiment today
C’è poi un consiglio personale: meno dottori e meno medicine:
Do you have little voice in health policy or research? Then at least you can change your own medical behavior: if you would not pay for medicine out of your own pocket, then don’t bother to go when others offer to pay; the RAND experiment strongly suggests that on average such medicine is as likely to hurt as to help…
Ma la verità più inquietante è  che molte cure mediche fanno indubitabilmente bene:
What about studies suggesting larger benefits in particular areas, e.g., immunization, infant care, and emergency care? Yes, there are categories of medicine where larger benefits seem plausible, and… empirical studies support such claims…
Parlo di “verità inquietante” perché – visto che molta sanità giova - cio’ significa che molta sanità uccide di brutto (l’effetto aggregato è zero). Gli errori medici sono i maggiori indiziati, anche perché nessuno conosce la loro entità (è di pochi giorni fa la sentenza che rende illegittimo installare una telecamera in sala operatoria). Molti medici ci uccidono, dobbiamo prendere atto di questa elementare verità.
Si tratta di uno spreco che riguarda i nostri tempi? Tutt’altro a parere degli storici.
… What if everything has changed recently? Overreliance on medicine seems to be quite ancient and widespread; historians suggest that until recently our ancestors would have been better off avoiding doctors…
Questa osservazione ci fa capire che una notizia tanto sgradevole vale probabilmente anche per l’ Europa, sebbene mediamente la spesa sanitaria europea sia inferiore (anche in epoche passate – infatti - si spendeva di meno).
Come mai nei test mirati di solito si registra una certa efficienza delle pratiche mediche mentre l’effetto aggregato è zero? Risposta: Publication bias, data minimg, leaky placebo effect… Nel caso della sperimentazione specifica esistono interessi mirati che si fanno sentire sfruttando i molti bias a disposizione (sopra cito i tre più notevoli), mentre negli studi sull’effetto aggregato gli interessi in campo pesano molto meno avendo un problema di free riding.
… How could we be this wrong about medicine? If you wonder how the usual medical literature could give such a misleading impression of aggregate medical effects on health, I will point to funding and publication selection biases, statistical tests ignoring data mining, leaky placebo effects, differences between lab and field environments, and the fact that most treatments today have no studies
Ma perché il consumatore dovrebbe buttare i suoi soldi in cure che non lo beneficiano? Qui Hanson favorisce un’ipotesi evoluzionista: siamo abituati ad usare la sanità per ostentare la nostra cura verso le persone a cui teniamo (“faccio di tutto per il mio piccolo…”). Dal punto di vista evoluzionistico la cura sanitaria prestata all’altro era un modo per stabilire preziose alleanze ed iniziare o rinsaldare una cooperazione: in questo senso l’efficacia delle cure è secondario rispetto al gesto.
… I’ll point you to my forthcoming Medical Hypotheses article, wherein I suggest humans long ago evolved a tendency to use medicine to “show that we care,” rather than just to get healthy. Briefly, the idea is that our ancestors showed loyalty by taking care of sick allies, and that, for such signals, how much one spends matters more than how effective is the care, and commonly-observed clues of quality matter more than private clues…
COMMENTO PERSONALE
Accolgo in toto l’analisi di Hanson. Sarà perché i “miei” due ultimi morti hanno avuto probabilmente la vita accorciata dal sistema sanitario, ovviamente non ne ho la certezza ma la cosa è plausibile, naturalmente non ho né voglia né tempo di approfondire (del resto cosa potrei fare?) ma sta di fatto che i dati aggregati non mi sorprendano. Non credo però che un taglio del 50% della spesa sanitaria (ammettiamo per un momento che sia politicamente fattibile) riduca il problema. Dove tagliare? Il timore di fare errori frenerebbe la mano a chiunque; e anche qui sono con Hanson nella sua visione evoluzionista del problema: tagliare sarebbe una dichiarazione di guerra più che una riforma razionale. L’aspetto simbolico della cura sanitaria domina sul contenuto reale. C’è un’ultima cosa: se in medicina l’aspetto simbolico è tanto importante sarei prudente nella condanna della medicina alternativa, si rischia di prendere lucciole per lanterne ostentando tanta sicumera.
STUDI E META-STUDI CITATI 
Fuchs, Health Affairs, 2004 -
Hadley, Medical Care Research and Review, 2003 -
Auster, Leveson, & Sarachek, Journal of Human Resources, in 1969 -
Byrne, Pietz, Woodard, & Petersen Health Economics 2007 -
Fisher, et al. Annals of Internal Medicine 2003 -
Fisher et. al. Health Services Research 2000 -
Skinner and Wennberg 1998 -
Lantz, et al. study in the Journal of the American Medical Association 1998 -
RAND health insurance experiment -
Fisher & Welch Journal of American Medical Association 1999 -
Filmer & Pritchett Social Science and Medicine 1999 - Joseph Doyle 2007 -

medici

martedì 6 settembre 2016

Is More Medicine Better? (Cato Unbound) by Alan Garber, David Cutler, Dana Goldman, Robin Hanson

Is More Medicine Better? (Cato Unbound) by Alan Garber, David Cutler, Dana Goldman, Robin Hanson
You have 69 highlighted passages
You have 51 notes
Last annotated on September 6, 2016
Hanson points to a spate of studies — especially the huge RAND health insurance experiment — to show that “in the aggregate, variations in medical spending usually show no statistically significant medical effect on health.”Read more at location 74
Note: SPESA SANITARIA SALUTE Edit
letters. (Send them to wwilkinson@cato.org.)       Lead Essay CutRead more at location 88
Note: i medici salvano tante vite quante ne uccidono: non esiste correlazione, né a livello nazionale né a livello internaxionale, tra spesa sanitaria e speranza di vita altri fattori che contano di più: fumo rural living dieta temperatura ambiente esercizi reddito l evidenza errori medici dove funziona: pronto soccorso immunità e cure neonatali lì ha senso investire ma la spesa aggregata deve calare xché l illusione ottica persiste (placebo pub bias show caring) Edit
Cut Medicine in Half Car inspections and repairs take a small fraction of our total spending on cars, gas, roads, and parking. But imagine that we were so terrified of accidents due to faulty cars that we spent most of our automotive budget having our cars inspected and adjusted every week by Ph.D. car experts. Obsessed by the fear of not finding a defect that might cause an accident, imagine we made sure inspections were heavily regulated and subsidized by government.Read more at location 88
Note: OSSESSIONE Edit
Then let me speak plainly: our main problem in health policy is a huge overemphasis on medicine.Read more at location 102
Note: HEALTH POLICY Edit
But health policy experts know that we see at best only weak aggregate relations between health and medicine, in contrast to apparently strong aggregate relations between health and many other factors, such as exercise, diet, sleep, smoking, pollution, climate, and social status.Read more at location 103
Note: CORRELAZIONE. FATTORI Edit
Children are told that medicine is the reason we live longer than our ancestors, and our media tell us constantly of promising medical advances.Read more at location 110
Note: MEDIA Edit
In contrast, few doctors know that historians think medicine has played at best a minor role in our increased lifespans over the centuries. And only a few health policy experts now know about the dozens of studies of the aggregate health effects of medicine. Worse, these studies can seem muddled, with some showing positive, some showing negative, and some showing neutral effects of medicine on health.Read more at location 112
Note: VERITÀ Edit
In the aggregate, variations in medical spending usually show no statistically significant medical effect on health.Read more at location 116
Note: ORTODOSSIA Edit
By “variations” I mean the large changes in medical spending often induced by observable disturbances, such as changing culture or prices, and by “aggregate” I mean studies of the health effect on an entire population of disturbances that affect a broad range of medical treatments.Read more at location 120
Note: VARIAZIONE AGGREGAZIONE Edit
Note that a muddled appearance of differing studies showing differing effects is to be expected. After all, even if medicine has little effect, random statistical error and biases toward presenting and publishing expected results will ensure that many published studies suggest positive medical benefits.Read more at location 123
Note: MUDDLED Edit
(A general review is found in Fuchs, Health Affairs, 2004 . A contrarian review is Hadley, Medical Care Research and Review, 2003.) The first study known to me was by Auster, Leveson, & Sarachek, Journal of Human Resources, in 1969Read more at location 125
Note: STUDI Edit
a Byrne, Pietz, Woodard, & Petersen Health Economics 2007 studyRead more at location 134
a Fisher, et al. Annals of Internal Medicine 2003 studyRead more at location 137
Note: STUDI Edit
a Fisher et. al. Health Services Research 2000 study, and a related Skinner and Wennberg 1998 study,Read more at location 139
Note: STUDI Edit
1998 Lantz, et al. study in the Journal of the American Medical AssociationRead more at location 148
large and significant lifespan effects: a three year loss for smoking, a six year gain for rural living, a ten year loss for being underweight, and about fifteen year losses each for low income and low physical activity (in addition to the usual effects of age and gender).Read more at location 150
Note: COSA INCODE Edit
discussion of the health effects of medical spending variations usually turns eventually to our clearest evidence on the subject: the RAND health insurance experiment.Read more at location 155
Note: LO STUDIO MAGGIORE Edit
Let us now summarize and interpret these results. Medicine is composed of a great many specific activities. Presumably some of these activities help patients, some hurt patients, and some are neutral. (Don’t believe medicine can hurt? Consider the high rate of medical errors, and see the Fisher & Welch Journal of American Medical Association 1999 theory article.)Read more at location 183
Note: RIASSUNTO Edit
Note: ERRORI Edit
I thus claim: we could cut U.S. medical spending in half without substantial net health costs.Read more at location 196
Note: 50 Edit
How should we cut medical spending? There are many possibilities, and I may prefer some possibilities to others. But I do not want such preferences to distract from the main point: most any way to implement such a cut would likely give big gains.Read more at location 198
Note: COME? Edit
Yes, I know, these are not politically realistic proposals. But at least health policy experts should publicly contradict those who overemphasize medicine,Read more at location 202
Note: PARLAR CHOARO Edit
If health policy experts hesitate on my proposals due to doubts about how much we can rely on the RAND experiment and correlation studies, then they should at the very least immediately and fully support channeling available funding into repeating the RAND experiment today,Read more at location 205
Note: ALMENO RICHIESTA NUOVI ESP. Edit
Do you have little voice in health policy or research? Then at least you can change your own medical behavior: if you would not pay for medicine out of your own pocket, then don’t bother to go when others offer to pay; the RAND experiment strongly suggests that on average such medicine is as likely to hurt as to help.Read more at location 210
Note: CONSIGLIO PERSONALE Edit
What about studies suggesting larger benefits in particular areas, e.g., immunization, infant care, and emergency care? Yes, there are categories of medicine where larger benefits seem plausible, and where empirical studies support such claims. (See, for example, Filmer & Pritchett Social Science and Medicine 1999 and Joseph Doyle 2007.)Read more at location 213
Note: MEDICINA CHE FA BENE Edit
What about health and innovation externalities? Your health may give positive benefits to others, but most medicine on the margin seems to have little to do with health.Read more at location 223
Note: ESTERNALITÀ Edit
What if everything has changed recently? Overreliance on medicine seems to be quite ancient and widespread; historians suggest that until recently our ancestors would have been better off avoiding doctors.Read more at location 230
Note: PASSATO Edit
How could we be this wrong about medicine? If you wonder how the usual medical literature could give such a misleading impression of aggregate medical effects on health, I will point to funding and publication selection biases, statistical tests ignoring data mining, leaky placebo effects, differences between lab and field environments, and the fact that most treatments today have no studies.Read more at location 236
Note: RAGIONI DEL BIAS NELLA RICERCA Edit
I’ll point you to my forthcoming Medical Hypotheses article, wherein I suggest humans long ago evolved a tendency to use medicine to “show that we care,” rather than just to get healthy. Briefly, the idea is that our ancestors showed loyalty by taking care of sick allies, and that, for such signals, how much one spends matters more than how effective is the care, and commonly-observed clues of quality matter more than private clues.Read more at location 241
Note: BIAS PERSONALE SHOW YOU CARE Edit
Note: ALLEANZA COOPERAZIONE Edit
half could still be a good idea.   Response Essays UseRead more at location 249
Note: il problema è dove tagliare. si rischia di fare disastri Edit
The most important reason why medical costs increase over time is because we develop new ways of treating patients and provide that care to ever more people. Consider the most expensive part of medical care: care for people with cardiovascular disease.  In 1950, a person with a heart attack received bed rest and morphine (to dull the pain).  That was how Dwight Eisenhower was treated when he had a heart attack in 1955.  This therapy is not very expensive, but it is also not very effective.  Today, such a person receives clot-busting drugs and other medications, and intensive interventions such as bypass surgery or angioplasty.  These technologies are certainly costly.  Spending in the few months after a heart attack is about $25,000 per patient.  And yet the care provides enormous benefits.  Mortality in the aftermath of a heart attack has fallen by three-quarters since the 1950s. Read more at location 276
Note: OBIEZIONE Edit
Virtually every study of medical innovation suggests that changes in the nature of medical care over time are clearly worth the cost.Read more at location 283
Note: OB Edit
Reconciling this finding with the fact that there is a lot of waste is not hard conceptually. Read more at location 290
The problem in medical care is how to separate the good from the bad. Read more at location 292
Note: IL PROBLEMA Edit
He is certainly correct that the role of medicine has been overstated.Read more at location 317
Note: OB 2 Edit
The HIE is more than three decades old, and in that time period many new therapies have emerged.Read more at location 330
There is a lot of waste in the system, as the evidence cited by Hanson and others makes clear.Read more at location 336
Note: SPRECHI Edit
Watch Where You CutRead more at location 346
Note: OB 3 Edit
Information can be a powerful toolRead more at location 391
let’s give them the tools they need.   The Conversation LetRead more at location 413
Note: riassunto delle posizioni tesi: chi si oppone dice che i tagli potrebbero interessare la sanità utile. nn siamo d accordo su come agire. ma xchè non agiamo su dove c è accordo: i tagli non provocherebbero danni alla salute risparmiando risorse ipotesi di critica attesa: stidi fallaci effetto maschera opportunità politica parallelo studi e incremento prezzi moralità intenzionale Edit
Let Go of the Medical Monkey TrapRead more at location 413
Note: RISPOSTA Edit
So far, no commenter on my essay seems willing to let go of the nut of effective medicine, held in the gourd of the second half of medical spending.Read more at location 415
Note: NESSUNO AFFRONTA IL NOCCIOLO Edit
I challenged health policy experts to “publicly agree or disagree” that “it has long been nearly a consensus” that since “variations in local medical culture … [and] prices” produce spending variations with little apparent relation to aggregate health,Read more at location 422
Note: SPALLE AL MURO Edit
Cutler seems at first to agree, saying “if the high spending areas were brought to the level of the lower spending areas … we could save 25 to 30 percent of Medicare spending.” But then he says higher prices are “wrong” because they do not “separate the good from the bad” as “consumers appear to cut back indiscriminately,” such as stopping drugs. Instead Cutler wants “carefully targeted evaluations” of better “supply side policies.” Goldman agrees “the role of medicine has been overstated,” but also rejects higher prices because it “isn’t enough” to eliminate waste, as patients are “as likely to reduce appropriate as inappropriate care.” Instead, “we should be spending a lot less in some areas, but also spending a lot more elsewhere.” Garber says my “diagnosis … is not particularly controversial” but rejects “policies that would heedlessly cut high-value benefits along with the low-value marginal benefits.”Read more at location 425
Note: LE RISPOSTE IN SINTESI Edit
Shannon Browlee’s Overtreated, published today, argues “between 20 and 30 cents on every health care dollar we spend goes towards useless treatments and hospitalizations.” Yet even she will not support crude price increases or spending capsRead more at location 436
Note: ALTRO ESPERTO Edit
Bloggers Matt Yglesias and Ezra Klein reject higher prices because “patients … will just cut care indiscriminately.” Tyler Cowen similarly shrugs “I’m not sure what mechanism will get rid of the bad half” of spending. (Arnold Kling, Bryan Caplan, and Seth Roberts seem more sympathetic, but take no explicit position.)Read more at location 438
Note: ALTRI Edit
I’m all for finding better ways to favor helpful over harmful medicine, but since we have no consensus on how to do this, why must this distant possibility stop us from publicizing and acting now on our consensus that we expect little net health harm from crude cuts?Read more at location 445
Critics seem to me to suffer a “leave no man behind” obsession that makes the best the enemy of the good.Read more at location 447
Note: SI AMMETTE A DENTI STRETTI. BISOGNA FARLO AD ALTA VOCE Edit
But apparently I stand alone; what am I missing? Help me see your reasoning. Please, pick one or add another:Read more at location 452
Note: SOLO Edit
Do you claim aggregate studies on balance do show spending increases from observed disturbances,Read more at location 454
Note: Bias NEGLI STUDI? Edit
Do you claim the existence of identifiable treatments with positive benefits, which are cut when spending is cut, shows that aggregate spending variations do give substantial aggregate health gains?Read more at location 456
Note: PAURA? Edit
not in fact similarRead more at location 458
spent on general utilityRead more at location 460
Do you claim that implementing simple crude policies like price increases or spending caps today would make it much harder to implement other policies later,Read more at location 462
Note: NUOVE POLITICHE? Edit
Do you argue that it is immoral to ever “leave a man behind” to disease, even if this tends to hurt as many in the attempt as it helps?Read more at location 464
Note: IMMORAL? Edit
No Grand ConspiracyRead more at location 471
If we cut half — without knowing what to cut — we will likely cut half the value.Read more at location 473
Do you claim the existence of identifiable treatments with positive benefits, which are cut when spending is cut, shows that aggregate spending variations do give substantial aggregate health gains? My response is yes.Read more at location 478
Are the Aggregate Studies Misleading? Why?Read more at location 497
What Is the Effect of a Price Increase?Read more at location 521
Per capita income in the United States is 30 percent higher than in Sweden, and yet Americans are no happier than Swedes; indeed, Swedes report greater levels of happiness. Based on these data, can one conclude that cutting income in the United States by 30 percent across the board would leave Americans unaffected?Read more at location 546
don’t do ourselves any favors by pretending it is easy.   StillRead more at location 558
Note: ancora sintesi posizioni precedenti cutler e il parallelo tra reddito e felicità Edit
six possible reasonsRead more at location 561
David, in this case you seem to be suggesting that aggregate happiness studies are missing adequate controls, i.e., you suggest that happiness studies which controlled for income equality and social goods would in fact show that aggregate variations in GDP are substantially related to aggregate variations in happiness. This is exactly the kind of specific critique that I request for aggregate studies on medicine and health.Read more at location 571
Please, why, specifically, are such studies misleading?Read more at location 574
health insurance premiums above the cost of this limited plan?   Yes,Read more at location 589
Note: i costi di transizione Edit
Dana gives an example of “what is missing from aggregate studies”:Read more at location 595
Well, yes, any industry must pay transition costs to switch from less to more efficient technologies,Read more at location 598
Maybe people in Miami prefer surgery, and people in Minnesota prefer medical management.Read more at location 606
BewareRead more at location 612
Note: doppio standard quando c è da spendere e quando c è da tagliare Edit
Consider a health policy issue like child car seatsRead more at location 613
In this situation I predict most health policy experts would clearly and publicly say that we should act now to promote, e.g., child car seats orRead more at location 617
When asked what reasons they have for doubting that existing aggregate studies suggest crude medical cuts will not hurt health, the three commentators here at Cato Unbound do not point to the same reasons.Read more at location 625
David Cutler suggests aggregate studies are missing important controls (which he does not identify). Alan Garber dismisses simple cuts as politically infeasible, but does seem willing to endorse lower tax-based subsidies. Dana Goldman first points to “the existence of identifiable treatments with positive benefits, which are cut when spending is cut.” Instead of responding to questions about this, he switches to suggesting high spending region doctors have invested more in learning expensive treatments, and when questioned about this he switches to unmeasured differing preferences; “Maybe people in Miami prefer surgery, and people in Minnesota prefer medical management.”Read more at location 627
If aggregate studies had suggested medical spending helps health a lot, I can’t imagine health policy experts being nearly as reluctant to endorse simple crude spending increases. This seems a double-standard.Read more at location 631