giovedì 25 febbraio 2016

Human Accomplishment by Charles Murray - TWELVE Donne, Ebrei e Omosessuali nell'arte e nella scienza prodotta dall'umanità

Human Accomplishment by Charles Murray
TWELVE …AND OF DEAD WHITE MALESRead more at location 6495
In this chapter, as for the European role in the preceding chapter, I document the reasons for concluding that the inventories fairly represent the role played by people who were not males and not white.Read more at location 6500
Why women have played so disproportionately small a role and Jews have played so disproportionately large a role in the arts and sciencesRead more at location 6505
WOMEN On the wallRead more at location 6508
Note: Le donne hanno basse prestazioni. Anche dopo l' emancipazione Ci sono molte categorie oppresse: molte, poco dopo la liberazione, coprono il gap Fonte DOSB (scienze) + altre fonti combinate tra loro. Si sceglie il criterio + favorevole La sottorappresentazione è tale che nemmeno significativi errori possono fare grande differenza Dopo il 1950: Nobel Limbarazzante cfr con gli ebrei (emancipati negli stessi anni) Non occidentali: scarsi contributi, sia come nazioni che come etnicità. Sia prima che dopo il 1950 X' così poche donne? fattori ambientali: stereotipi, valori alternativi (famiglia e figli) Omosessuali sovrarappresentati nelle arti Fattori biologici: 1. la maternità (un impegno emotivo non comparabile, segue biblio) 2. il patriarcato è inevitabile (non soffre eccezioni). La spiegazione biologica è la + semplice: l' uomo rischia di + e si posiziona agli estremi (meglio e peggio) IQ uomo donna. Cundrum: linguaggio, matematica e brain size. La media e la varianza. La donna è raccoglitrice (individua oggetti immobili). L' uomo è cacciatore (calcola traettorie). L' astrazione. Edit
Just as only two percent of the mathematics significant figures were women, two percent of all the significant figures were women—88 out of the 4,002 persons in the inventories.Read more at location 6513
WOMEN AMONG THE SIGNIFICANT FIGURESRead more at location 6515
The earliest woman to appear in the inventories is the Greek poet, Sappho of Lesbos, in –6C. A thousand years later comes the next woman, the natural philosopher Hypatia of Alexandria,Read more at location 6567
The first woman to qualify as a significant figure in the visual arts is Wen Shu (1595–1634) of Ming China.Read more at location 6570
The first woman to qualify in any of the scientific inventories after Hypatia is astronomer Caroline Herschel (1750–1848), sister and colleague of William Herschel.Read more at location 6570
The first and only woman in the music inventory is French composer Germaine Tailleferre (1892–1983).Read more at location 6571
No woman qualified as a significant figure in any of the philosophy inventories.Read more at location 6572
The dearth of women in the inventories until 19C and 20C reflects near-total exclusion, by law and social pressure, from the possibility of participating. But the legal emancipation of women, which began in 19C at about the same time as Jewish emancipation, took even longer to complete.Read more at location 6573
During the most recent half century we are examining, 1900–1950, women still constituted only 5 percent of significant figures in the hard sciences, 3 percent in mathematics, 7 percent in medicine, and none in technology. In the combined arts inventories, women constituted 5 percentRead more at location 6580
Women have even smaller representation among the highest index scores.Read more at location 6583
Murasaki Shikibu, the author of Tale of Genji, with the third-highest index score in Japanese literature, is the lone womanRead more at location 6585
Marie Curie, who won Nobel Prizes in both chemistry and physics, is the only other woman who has an index score higher than 18.Read more at location 6586
In short, inventories in the arts and sciences, based on multiple sources, almost all of them written in the last few decades, producing highly reliable indexes, tell us that women constitute only a little more than 2 percent of all the significant figures, fewer than 5 percent of the significant figures in the first half of 20C, and that even the top-ranked women are, with the rarest exceptions, well back in the pack of the distributions in their fields.Read more at location 6590
The Dictionary of Scientific Biography as a Benchmark in the SciencesRead more at location 6596
The definition of significant figures is based on consensusRead more at location 6600
Relying exclusively on the DoSB would have led to the conclusion that 0.7 percent of all the significant figures in mathematics and the hard sciences were women, instead of the 1.9 percent actually designated.[2]Read more at location 6607
If the selection rules used to augment the number of women are applied to men as well, the proportion of women will remain effectively unchanged, even drop,Read more at location 6626
The Women Who Were Left OutRead more at location 6634
One may go into any large bookstore and find an entire section devoted to women’sRead more at location 6636
If you go to such a section of a major bookstore, pick up one of the books about women in science, and start scanning the entries, here is an example of what you will find:Read more at location 6640
1. Women with significant scientific accomplishments but whose work postdates 1950.Read more at location 6642
2. Educators who taught scienceRead more at location 6643
3. Pioneers, the first women to get a degreeRead more at location 6643
4. Translators and popularizers of scientific worksRead more at location 6644
5. Women, usually amateurs, who collected data that were used by scientistsRead more at location 6645
6. Activists in women’s rights and social reform whose profession was in medicineRead more at location 6646
7. Wives, sisters, and children of famous male scientistsRead more at location 6647
8. Women with accomplishments ancillary to science though not involving scientific discoveriesRead more at location 6649
9. Women who were directly engaged in scientific professions and conducted substantial original researchRead more at location 6650
Generalizing from the Case of the SciencesRead more at location 6662
The exercises already conducted for the sciences point to a few large realities. One is that the representation of women is so small that even fairly large errors in under-representation wouldn’t make much difference.Read more at location 6664
Since 1950Read more at location 6669
Based on the most obvious indicator of distinguished achievement, the Nobel Prizes, little seems to have changed.Read more at location 6671
THE JEWSRead more at location 6709
In a practical sense, legal equality for Jews first occurred in the newly formed United States, where Jews were given full rights under federal law, though full protection at the state level had to wait upon the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868.7 France and the Netherlands emancipated their Jewish populations in the 1790s. Throughout the first half of 19C, the rest of Western and Central Europe evolved toward more tolerant policies without actually granting full legal equality. In England, Jews faced comparatively few legal restrictions after mid-18C, though it was not until the Promissory Oaths Act of 1871 that the last remnants of discriminatory law were revoked. The revolutions of 1848 saw civil rights granted (though not necessarily enforced) in most of Austro-Hungary and Germany. Bismarck completed the emancipation of Prussian Jews in 1869. Emancipation of Italian Jews began in the Piedmont in 1848 and ended in 1870 in Rome. Switzerland granted emancipation in 1866. In Russia, which in 19C also meant Poland, events moved the other way. The assassination of Alexander II in 1881 intensified long-standing Russian anti-Semitism.Read more at location 6730
What happens? “The suddenness with which Jews began to appear…is nothing short of astounding,” writes historian Raphael Patai. “It seemed as if a huge reservoir of Jewish talent, hitherto dammed upRead more at location 6743
The sudden emergence of Jewish significant figures, 1800–1950Read more at location 6751
The Magnitude of Disproportional Jewish Representation in the InventoriesRead more at location 6756
In every case except astronomy, Jews are disproportionately represented. The period 1870–1950Read more at location 6821
Since 1950Read more at location 6874
RECENT TRENDS FOR NON-WHITES, MALE AND OTHERWISERead more at location 6930
The question arises: If we focus on ethnicity instead of nationality, how does the picture change?Read more at location 6934
When we restrict the inquiry to significant figures and the cutoff date of 1950, hardly anything changes.Read more at location 6935
DO WE HAVE ANY IDEA WHY?Read more at location 6981
Explanations of the disproportionately high representation of Jews and low representation of women in the inventories can be biological or environmental.Read more at location 6982
Within a few decades, we will know a great deal about the genetic differences among groups.Read more at location 6986
Environmental causes.Read more at location 6997
Part of the answer is that the nature of the obstacles facing Jews and women differed. Winning the legal battle could not have nearly the liberating effect for women that it had for Jewish males.Read more at location 6997
A woman trying to take advantage of her newly won legal rights by entering a profession had to be prepared to make three new sacrifices.Read more at location 7000
First, she had to accept being an oddball, which, depending on her situation, could mean being the object of curiosity, ridicule, scorn,Read more at location 7000
Second, she had to confront the reality that to pursue a career would automatically reduce the likelihood of marriageRead more at location 7002
Third, even if she found herself in a good marriage, she had to confront another reality: Pursuing a career at full throttle, as first-rank accomplishment demands, is at odds with being a full-time mother.Read more at location 7004
These sacrifices did not go away when the legal battle was won.Read more at location 7007
Employers continued to prefer men over women, pay them more, and promote them higher.Read more at location 7008
Husbands continued to discourage wives from pursuing careers that would compete with their own.Read more at location 7009
anecdotal evidence indicates they were not much less prevalent in 1950 than they had been earlier. The conflict between career and motherhood had not even lessened.Read more at location 7010
HOMOSEXUALITY AND HUMAN ACCOMPLISHMENTRead more at location 7017
Note: parentesi sull'omosessualità Edit
In our own era, the disproportionate representation of homosexuals in the arts is taken for granted,Read more at location 7019
the significant figures claimed as homosexuals in a recent book, The Gay 100, include Socrates, St. Augustine, Michelangelo, Leonardo da Vinci, William Shakespeare, Piotr Tchaikovsky, Lord Byron, and Francis Bacon, in addition to significant figures of more recent years, such as Oscar Wilde and Walt Whitman, whose homosexuality is indisputable.21Read more at location 7020
The difficulties in identifying homosexuality in significant figures are too great. Many of the claims now being made about homosexuals of the past, such as Shakespeare, are dubious.Read more at location 7024
Note: chiusa parentesi Edit
Women and Motherhood.Read more at location 7028
The central importance of motherhood means that many women do not want to jeopardize the opportunity to become a mother.Read more at location 7032
The years crucial to realizing great achievements have been precisely those years during which women are sexually most attractive, best able to find mates, and best able to bear children.Read more at location 7034
Rather, it is argued, the emotional distractions of parenthood are far greater for most mothers than for most fathers.Read more at location 7037
However equally the physical burdens of child care are divided, the woman is likely to spend much more of the rest of her time thinking about the child’s needs than the man does.Read more at location 7038
we are not talking merely about motherhood versus career or about juggling jobs and children. When we discuss accomplishments at the level of the people in the inventories, we are commonly talking about perfectionist, monomaniacalRead more at location 7048
The Raw Materials for Great Accomplishment.Read more at location 7051
The most ambitious and controversial explanation for the disparity between accomplishment among men and women is based on biological differencesRead more at location 7052
empirical observation at the core of this view is that in human societies around the world, men have without exception routinely held the top positionsRead more at location 7053
In 1970, sociologist Steven Goldberg published The Inevitability of Patriarchy, in which he asserted that these characteristics were universal.Read more at location 7056
In 1993, Goldberg published a new statement of his theory entitled Why Men Rule,Read more at location 7058
Using social construction to explain why human societies have been universally constructed according to these sex differences in role and attainment requires complicated arguments. Using biology to explain them requires simple ones.Read more at location 7061
Many of these differences are argued to cluster around male-female differences in aggressiveness, broadly defined.Read more at location 7063
It is men who go to the extremes, compete ruthlessly, and, in whatever field they take up, are going to achieve the best and the worst.Read more at location 7065
Although the mean IQ of men and women is apparently the same, the variability of male IQ is higher—meaningRead more at location 7067
Women tend to do better, for example, in a variety of verbal skills; men in a variety of mathematical and visual-spatial skills. The latter may explain a conundrum: Brain size is reliably correlated with IQ; men and women have different mean brain sizes; but men and women have similar overall IQ.24 Some large portion of those extra brain cells in men may be devoted to three-dimensional processing, the largest and most consistently identified male cognitive advantage.Read more at location 7070
the male advantage corresponds to degree of abstraction involved in an artRead more at location 7074
EVOLUTIONARY EXPLANATIONSRead more at location 7078
to put it in terms of stereotypes that seem to have merit: Wives remember where the car keys are; guys read maps better than girls do.Read more at location 7081
Men did the hunting (fostered by other physical advantages of males) while women did the gathering. Their mental repertoires diverged corresponding to the skills that evolutionary pressure rewarded.Read more at location 7084
Within the sciences, the ordering from more to less abstract is not so clear cut—some tasks in astronomy, for example, are pure observation, cataloging, and description, while others call on the highest reaches of mathematical abstraction. But in scanning the roster of female significant figures in the sciences, the overwhelming majority made their reputations on achievements that were concrete rather than abstract,Read more at location 7088
Nobel winner Marie Curie, being an apt example.Read more at location 7092
existing circumstantial evidence is already strong enough to have persuaded me that disparities in accomplishment between the sexes are significantly grounded in biological differences,Read more at location 7093
I close the discussion of sex differences with the point that I made at the outset: All we need is a few decades’ patience and we won’t have to argue anymore.Read more at location 7095
The JewsRead more at location 7097
What explains the extraordinary level of accomplishment among the Ashkenazi Jews who came out of Central and Eastern Europe?Read more at location 7098
the extraordinarily high value attached to learning.Read more at location 7099
Polish Jews in 1818: Almost every one of their families hires a tutor to teach its children….Read more at location 7100
their entire population studies. Girls too can read, even the girls of the poorest families.Read more at location 7102
Reports of the mean IQ of Ashkenazi Jews vary, but it is likely to be at least 107 on tests that are normed to have a mean of 100.26Read more at location 7107
The data for Oriental Jews do not show consistently elevated IQ means.27Read more at location 7109
Jews also have much larger proportions of people with extremely high IQs.[28]Read more at location 7110
it is at least plausible that selection pressures have led to a higher Jewish IQ with some genetic basis.Read more at location 7119
One cause of genetic difference could be the Diaspora and subsequent centuries of anti-Semitism, requiring the Jews to survive in alien and often hostile cultures. Those who survived and left behind offspring were statistically likely to be more resourcefulRead more at location 7120
The young rabbi was one of the most desirable marriage partners for young women, and also, given the intellectual demands of Talmudic study, probably had a high IQ.Read more at location 7123
Jewish family units were strong through 1950, with few children growing up in broken homes and with close networks of grandparents, aunts, and unclesRead more at location 7131
The high expectations placed on Jewish children are the stuff of cultural cliché,

Human Accomplishment by Charles Murray - intro

INTRODUCTIONRead more at location 171
hereafter hew to that principle in Human Accomplishment. INTRODUCTION At irregularRead more at location 173
Note: L' eccellenza è oggettiva La prima parte è un inventario di uomini e luoghi dell' eccellenza Edit
In their effect on the individual’s freedom to pursue happiness, the creation of prosperous and free societies is the greatest of all achievements by humans on behalf of other humans.Read more at location 181
Note: Tesi Edit
book’s first thesis: the dimensions and content of human accomplishment can be apprehended as facts.Read more at location 185
Judgment is separable from opinion in matters of artistic and scientific excellence.Read more at location 190
From this view of excellence in human endeavors flows the following claim: I have assembled inventories that contain the people and events most important to the story of human accomplishment in the arts and sciences from –800 to 1950

mercoledì 24 febbraio 2016

2. THEORIES THAT DON’T WORK

2. THEORIES THAT DON’T WORK
THE LAY OF THE LAND
  • The first country to experience sustained economic growth was England—or Great Britain,
  • Industrialization in England was soon followed by industrialization in most of Western Europe and the United States. English prosperity also spread rapidly to Britain’s “settler colonies” of Canada, Australia, and New Zealand.
  • If you instead make a list of the poorest thirty countries in the world today, you will find almost all of them in sub-Saharan Africa.
  • Go back fifty years, and you’ll find an identical ranking. .... One hundred years: same thing. One hundred and fifty years: again the same. So it is not just that the United States and Canada are richer than Latin America; there is also a definite and persistent divide between the rich and poor
  • While there is a lot of persistence in the patterns of prosperity we see around us today, these patterns are not unchanging or immutable.
  • most of current world inequality emerged since the late eighteenth century, following on the tails of the Industrial Revolution.
  • First... Americas, for example, the ranking we see for the last hundred and fifty years was completely different five hundred years ago.
  • Second, many nations have experienced several decades of rapid growth, such as much of East Asia since the Second World War and, more recently, China....The Soviet Union is an even more noteworthy example, growing rapidly between 1930 and 1970, but subsequently experiencing a rapid collapse.
  • THE GEOGRAPHY HYPOTHESIS
  • Montesquieu ...argued that people in tropical climates tended to be lazy and to lack inquisitiveness
  • The theory that hot countries are intrinsically poor, though contradicted by the recent rapid economic advance of countries such as Singapore, Malaysia, and Botswana, is still forcefully advocated by some, such as the economist Jeffrey Sachs.
  • The modern version...emphasizes not the direct effects of climate on work effort or thought processes, but two additional arguments: first, that tropical diseases, particularly malaria,... and second, that tropical soils do not allow for productive agriculture.
  • World inequality, however, cannot be explained by climate or diseases, or any version of the geography hypothesis. Just think of Nogales. ...U.S.-Mexico border....
  • If the geography hypothesis cannot explain differences between the north and south of Nogales, or North and South Korea, or those between East and West Germany
  • it is not true that the tropics have always been poorer than temperate latitudes. As we saw in the last chapter, at the time of the conquest of the Americas by Columbus, the areas south of the Tropic of Cancer and north of the Tropic of Capricorn, which today include Mexico, Central America, Peru, and Bolivia, held the great Aztec and Inca civilizations.
  • People in South Asia, especially the Indian subcontinent, and in China were more prosperous than those in many other parts of Asia and certainly more than the peoples inhabiting Australia and New Zealand.
  • some of the great premodern civilizations, such as Angkor in modern Cambodia, Vijayanagara in southern India, and Aksum in Ethiopia, flourished in the tropics,
  • Tropical diseases obviously cause much suffering and high rates of infant mortality in Africa, but they are not the reason Africa is poor. Disease is largely a consequence of poverty .... England in the nineteenth century was also a very unhealthy place,
  • The other part of the geography hypothesis is that the tropics are poor because tropical agriculture is intrinsically unproductive.
  • as we’ll show, the prime determinant of why agricultural productivity—agricultural output per acre—is so low in many poor countries, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, has little to do with soil quality. Rather, it is a consequence of the ownership structure of the land
  • Another influential version of the geography hypothesis is advanced by the ecologist and evolutionary biologist Jared Diamond. He argues that the origins of intercontinental inequality at the start of the modern period, five hundred years ago, rested in different historical endowments of plant and animal species....In some places, such as the Fertile Crescent in the modern Middle East, there were a large number of species that could be domesticated by humans....made it very attractive for societies to make the transition from a hunter-gatherer to a farming lifestyle. ..Population density grew, allowing specialization of labor,
  • Though Diamond’s thesis is a powerful approach to the puzzle on which he focuses, it cannot be extended to explain modern world inequality.
  • we now need to explain why the Mexicans and Peruvians inhabiting the former lands of the Aztecs and Incas are poor. While having access to wheat, barley, and horses might have made the Spanish richer than the Incas, the gap in incomes between the two was not very large. The average income of a Spaniard was probably less than double that of a citizen of the Inca Empire. ... Today the average Spaniard is more than six times richer than the average Peruvian.
  • The story of Nogales highlights another major problem in adapting Diamond’s thesis:...Peru and Mexico were undoubtedly more prosperous than those parts of the Americas that went on to become the United States and Canada.
  • Diamond’s thesis...argues, following the historian William McNeill, that the east–west orientation of Eurasia enabled crops, animals, and innovations to spread from the Fertile Crescent into Western Europe,
  • It should also be clear that Diamond’s argument, which is about continental inequality, is not well equipped to explain variation within continents—a
  • it doesn’t explain why the Industrial Revolution happened in England rather than, say, Moldova.
  • Diamond himself points out, China and India benefited greatly from very rich suites of animals and plants, and from the orientation of Eurasia. But most of the poor people of the world today are in those two countries.
  • Before 1492 it was the civilizations in the central valley of Mexico, Central America, and the Andes that had superior technology and living standards to North America or places such as Argentina and Chile.
  • institutions imposed by European colonists created a “reversal of fortune.”
  • THE CULTURE HYPOTHESIS
  • The culture hypothesis, just like the geography hypothesis, has a distinguished lineage, going back at least to the great German sociologist Max Weber, who argued that the Protestant Reformation and the Protestant ethic it spurred played a key role in facilitating the rise of modern industrial society
  • Africans are poor because they lack a good work ethic,
  • America latina. suffer from some “Iberian” or “mañana” culture. Of course, many once believed that the Chinese culture and Confucian values were inimical to economic growth, though now the importance of the Chinese work ethic as the engine of growth in China, Hong Kong, and Singapore is trumpeted.
  • Is the culture hypothesis useful for understanding world inequality? Yes and no.
  • Let us go back to Nogales. As we noted earlier, many aspects of culture are the same north and south of the fence.
  • it is not a surprise that Mexicans lack trust when their government cannot eliminate drug cartels or provide a functioning unbiased legal system.
  • L'eterna promessa. Kongo came into intense contact with the Portuguese after it was first visited by the mariner Diogo Cão in 1483. At the time, Kongo was a highly centralized polity by African standards,l.... Thanks to the Portuguese, the Kongolese learned about the wheel and the plow... They were very quick to adopt one venerable Western innovation: the gun. ...There is no sign here that African values or culture prevented the adoption of new technologies and practices. ... Yet these promising economic experiments were obliterated not by African culture or the inability of ordinary Africans to act in their own self-interest, but first by European colonialism and then by postindependence African governments....The real reason that the Kongolese did not adopt superior technology was because they lacked any incentives to do so. They faced a high risk of all their output being expropriated ....In fact, it wasn’t only their property that was insecure. Their continued existence was held by a thread....Il..exporting slaves was so much more profitable......it might be true today that Africans trust each other less than people in other parts of the world. But this is an outcome of a long history of institutions which have undermined human and property rights in Africa.
  • Though it may be true that predominantly Protestant countries, such as the Netherlands and England, were the first economic successes of the modern era, there is little relationship between religion and economic success. France, a predominantly Catholic country, quickly mimicked the economic performance of the Dutch and English in the nineteenth century, and Italy is as prosperous as any of these nations today.
  • Maybe the cultural factors that matter are not tied to religion but rather to particular “national cultures.” Perhaps it is the influence of English culture ....Yes, Canada and the United States were English colonies, but so were Sierra Leone and Nigeria.
  • perhaps it is not English versus non-English that matters but, rather, European versus non-European.
  • A greater proportion of the population of Argentina and Uruguay, compared with the population of Canada and the United States, is of European descent....Japan and Singapore never had more than a sprinkling of inhabitants of European descent.... China, despite many imperfections in its economic and political system, has been the most rapidly growing nation of the past three decades.
  • There are of course differences in beliefs, cultural attitudes, and values between the United States and Latin America, but just like those that exist between Nogales, Arizona, and Nogales, Sonora, or those between South and North Korea, these differences are a consequence of the two places’ different institutions and institutional histories.
  • THE IGNORANCE HYPOTHESIS
  • ignorance hypothesis, which asserts that world inequality exists because we or our rulers do not know how to make poor countries rich. definition proposed by the English economist Lionel Robbins
  • the more that market failures go unaddressed, the poorer a country is likely to be.
  • African countries are poorer than the rest of the world because their leaders tend to have the same mistaken views
  • Un esempio. the sustained economic decline that soon set in in Ghana ...This endless stream of economically irrational developments was not caused by the fact that Nkrumah or his advisers were badly informed or ignorant of the right economic policies. They had people like Killick and had even been advised by Nobel laureate Sir Arthur Lewis, who knew the policies were not good. What drove the form the economic policies took was the fact that Nkrumah needed to use them to buy political support and sustain his undemocratic regime.
  • if ignorance were the problem, well-meaning leaders would quickly learn
  • Consider the divergent paths of the United States and Mexico. Blaming this disparity on the ignorance of the leaders of the two nations is, at best, highly implausible.
  • The experience of Ghana’s prime minister in 1971, Kofi Busia,...As with Nkrumah, his economic policies were adopted not because he was “ignorant” and believed that these policies were good economics or an ideal way to develop the country. The policies were chosen because they were good politics, enabling Busia to transfer resources to politically powerful groups, for example in urban areas,
  • ignorance hypothesis....comes readily with a suggestion about how to “solve” the problem of poverty: if ignorance got us here, enlightened and informed rulers and policymakers can get us out and we should be able to “engineer” prosperity
  • Yet Busia’s experience underscores the fact that the main obstacle to the adoption of policies that would reduce market failures and encourage economic growth is not the ignorance of politicians but the incentives
  • When nations break out of institutional patterns condemning them to poverty and manage to embark on a path to economic growth, this is not because their ignorant leaders suddenly have become better informed or less self-interested or because they’ve received advice from better economists. China, for example, is one of the countries that made the switch
  • It was politics that determined the switch from communism and toward market incentives in China, not better advice or a better understanding of how the economy worked.
  • Most economists and policymakers have focused on “getting it right,” while what is really needed is an explanation for why poor nations “get it wrong.” Getting it wrong is mostly not about ignorance or culture. As we will show, poor countries are poor because those who have power make choices that create poverty. They get it wrong not by mistake or ignorance but on purpose.
  • Traditionally economics has ignored politics, ....We will argue that achieving prosperity depends on solving some basic political problems.
continua